Bolshevism Quotes

“Three keys to success: read, read, read.”
― Vladimir Lenin

“Long before it was known to me as a place where my ancestry was even remotely involved, the idea of a state for Jews (or a Jewish state; not quite the same thing, as I failed at first to see) had been 'sold' to me as an essentially secular and democratic one. The idea was a haven for the persecuted and the survivors, a democracy in a region where the idea was poorly understood, and a place where—as Philip Roth had put it in a one-handed novel that I read when I was about nineteen—even the traffic cops and soldiers were Jews. This, like the other emphases of that novel, I could grasp. Indeed, my first visit was sponsored by a group in London called the Friends of Israel. They offered to pay my expenses, that is, if on my return I would come and speak to one of their meetings.

I still haven't submitted that expenses claim. The misgivings I had were of two types, both of them ineradicable. The first and the simplest was the encounter with everyday injustice: by all means the traffic cops were Jews but so, it turned out, were the colonists and ethnic cleansers and even the torturers. It was Jewish leftist friends who insisted that I go and see towns and villages under occupation, and sit down with Palestinian Arabs who were living under house arrest—if they were lucky—or who were squatting in the ruins of their demolished homes if they were less fortunate. In Ramallah I spent the day with the beguiling Raimonda Tawil, confined to her home for committing no known crime save that of expressing her opinions. (For some reason, what I most remember is a sudden exclamation from her very restrained and respectable husband, a manager of the local bank: 'I would prefer living under a Bedouin muktar to another day of Israeli rule!' He had obviously spent some time thinking about the most revolting possible Arab alternative.) In Jerusalem I visited the Tutungi family, who could produce title deeds going back generations but who were being evicted from their apartment in the old city to make way for an expansion of the Jewish quarter. Jerusalem: that place of blood since remote antiquity. Jerusalem, over which the British and French and Russians had fought a foul war in the Crimea, and in the mid-nineteenth century, on the matter of which Christian Church could command the keys to some 'holy sepulcher.' Jerusalem, where the anti-Semite Balfour had tried to bribe the Jews with the territory of another people in order to seduce them from Bolshevism and continue the diplomacy of the Great War. Jerusalem: that pest-house in whose environs all zealots hope that an even greater and final war can be provoked. It certainly made a warped appeal to my sense of history.”
― Christopher Hitchens, Hitch 22: A Memoir

“There was an old bastard named Lenin
Who did two or three million men in.
That's a lot to have done in
But where he did one in
That old bastard Stalin did ten in.”
― Robert Conquest

“He who does not cry out the truth when he knows the truth becomes the accomplice of the liars and falsifiers.”
― Victor Serge, From Lenin to Stalin

“Whether in Bolshevism, Fascism, or Nazism, we meet continually with the forcible and ruthless usurpation of the power of the State by a minority drawn from the masses, resting on their support, flattering them and threatening them at the same time; a minority led by a charismatic leader and brazenly identifying itself with the State. It is a tyranny that does away with all the guarantees of the constitutional State, constituting as the only party the minority that has created it, furnishing that party with far-reaching judicial and administrative functions, and permitting within the whole life of the nation no groups, no activities, no opinions, no associations or religions, no publications, no educational institutions, no business transactions, that are not dependent on the will of the Government.”
― Wilhelm Röpke, The German Question

“All Nazi champions insist again and again that Marxism and Bolshevism are the quintessence of the Jewish mind, and that it is the great historic mission of Nazism to root out this pest. It is true that this attitude did not prevent the German nationalists either from coöperating with the German communists in undermining the Weimar Republic, or from training their black guards in Russian artillery and aviation camps in the years 1923–1933, or— in the period from August, 1939, until June, 1941—from entering into a close political and military complicity with Soviet Russia. Nevertheless, public opinion supports the view that Nazism and Bolshevism are philosophies—Weltanschauungen—implacably opposed to each other.”
― Ludwig von Mises, Omnipotent Government

“Unlike modern feminists, who argue for a redivision of household tasks within the family, increasing men's share of domestic responsibilities, Bolshevik theorists sought to transfer housework to the public sphere.”
― Wendy Z. Goldman, Women, the State and Revolution: Soviet Family Policy and Social Life, 1917-1936

“NAZISM = "National Socialism"
BOLSHEVISM = "International Socialism"
One was collectivism based on economic class, the other collectivism based on race and ethnicity. They agreed on the socialist part, but disagreed on participants.”
― A.E. Samaan

“Our party, like any other political party, strives for political supremacy for itself.”
― Vladimir Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 34: Letters, November 1895-November 1911

“It is probably true, as some have argued, that sympathy for Leninism on the part of English and American liberal opinion in the twenties was swung by consideration of home politics. But it was also due to simple misinformation. My friend knew little of Russia’s past and this little had come to him through polluted Communist channels. When challenged to justify the bestial terror that had been sanctioned by Lenin—the torture-house, the blood-bespattered wall—Nesbit would tap the ashes out of his pipe against the fender knob, recross sinistrally his huge, heavily shod, dextrally crossed legs, and murmur something about the “Allied Blockade.” He lumped together as “Czarist elements” Russian émigrés of all hues, from peasant Socialist to White general—much as today Soviet writers wield the term “Fascist.” He never realized that had he and other foreign idealists been Russians in Russia, he and they would have been destroyed by Lenin’s regime as naturally as rabbits are by ferrets and farmers.”
― Vladimir Nabokov, Speak, Memory

“With a very few exceptions, all liberal-minded creative forces—poets, novelists, critics, historians, philosophers and so on—had left Lenin’s and Stalin’s Russia. Those who had not were either withering away there or adulterating their gifts by complying with the political demands of the state. What the Tsars had never been able to achieve, namely the complete curbing of minds to the government’s will, was achieved by the Bolsheviks in no time after the main contingent of the intellectuals had escaped abroad or had been destroyed. The lucky group of expatriates could now follow their pursuits with such utter impunity that, in fact, they sometimes asked themselves if the sense of enjoying absolute mental freedom was not due to their working in an absolute void. True, there was among émigrés a sufficient number of good readers to warrant the publication, in Berlin, Paris, and other towns, of Russian books and periodicals on a comparatively large scale; but since none of those writings could circulate within the Soviet Union, the whole thing acquired a certain air of fragile unreality.”
― Vladimir Nabokov, Speak, Memory

“Why is it that we who have enjoyed the human free­doms which our forefathers fought so hard to win and to bequeath to us, do not, with the example of Russia before us, realize the horrors of life without freedom? Why is it that we cannot understand that there is no such thing as embracing Communism as an experiment? It is a one-way street, ending in a cul de sac of secret police terror, firing squads for the intellectuals and leaders and concentration camps and slave labor for the masses. There is no turning back; there is no escape.”
― Freda Utley

“I expect you are wondering why I had not considered the possibility of unemployment. The reason being that my mind had a very different recollection of what unemployed men looked like. The jobless man I remembered from the past went out onto the street with a placard around his neck that read “Looking for any type of work”. When he’d had enough of drifting fruitlessly around in this manner, he would remove the placard, grab a red flag handed to him by a loitering Bolshevist, and return to the street.”
― Timur Vermes

“​"So it will be appropriate to offer a brief exposition of the subject. We can speak of three factors that led Mussolini to confront the problem of race in 1938. [181] On 5 August 1938, an official document [182] declared, ‘The climate is now ripe for an Italian racism’, for which the Grand Council outlined the fundamental directives the following October. The first legislative provisions ‘for the defence of the Italian race’ were promulgated the following month. Of the three factors, the one that concerned the Hebraic problem was the most incidental. There are few or no references to this problem in Mussolini’s early writings. One can only cite an old article that mentions a well-known theme, that the Hebrew, subjugated and deprived of the usual means to compete directly in the modern world, had recourse to the indirect means constituted by money, finance and intelligence (in the profane sense) to exercise power and for self-affirmation. In addition, in an article from 1919, Mussolini wondered whether Bolshevism, which was supported in its origins by Jewish bankers in London and New York and counted (at that time) numerous Hebrews among its leaders, did not represent ‘Israel’s revenge against the Aryan race’. [183]"​”
― Julius Evola, Fascism Viewed from the Right

“I believe the course of events is dictated by a Leninist and Stalinist political culture which has grown out of the precedents of czarism and Bolshevism, involving a bag of tricks in which six elements are used to achieve political and economic results: (1) provocation; (2) divide and conquer; (3) infiltration of the enemy camp; (4) disinformation; (5) controlled opposition; (6) and strategic deception. Various special formations and ideological sub-weapons have been developed by Moscow to amplify the working power of these six elements, including organized crime, drug trafficking, international terrorism, national liberation movements, revolutionary Islam, free trade, global warming, feminism, the homosexual movement, gun control and multiculturalism.”
― J.R.Nyquist

“History repeats itself, though on a new basis. Just as formerly, during the period of the downfall of feudalism, the word "Jacobin" evoked dread and abhorrence among the aristocrats of all countries, so now, in the period of the down fall of capitalism, the word "Bolshevik" evokes dread and abhorrence among the bourgeois in all countries. And conversely, just as formerly Paris was the refuge and school for the revolutionary representatives of the rising bourgeoisie, so now Moscow is the refuge and school for the revolutionary representatives of the rising proletariat. Hatred of the Jacobins did not save feudalism from collapse. Can there be any doubt that hatred of the Bolsheviks will not save capitalism from its inevitable downfall?”
― Stalin

“The Russian Language has two words for education: obrozovanie, which means "instruction," and vospitanie, which means "upbringing." The first refers to the transmission of knowledge; the second to the molding of personality. The entire Soviet regime dedicated itself to vospitanie in the sense that all the institutions of the state, whether trade unions or the Red Army, had the mission of inculcating in the citizenry the spirit of communism and creating a new type of human being - so much so that to some contemporaries Soviet Russia appeared like one gigantic school.”
― Richard Pipes, A Concise History of the Russian Revolution

“The Communists in December 1917 introduced a novel (for the time) divorce law that allowed either partner to terminate a marriage on grounds of incompatibility. They did not, as yet, legalize abortion, but they tolerated it and it was widely practiced. Generally carried out under unhygienic conditions by unqualified personnel, the procedure claimed numerous victims. To remedy the situation, in November 1920 the government legalized abortions performed under medical supervision. This law, authorizing abortion on demand, was also the first of its kind.”
― Richard Pipes, A Concise History of the Russian Revolution

“Palestine is far too small to accommodate more than a fraction of the Jewish race, nor do the majority of national Jews wish to go there.” He argued that the Jews, persecuted in Russia and eastern and central Europe, should be allowed- and encouraged- to emigrate to Palestine. Zionism, he believed, would weaken Bolshevism, because it was ‘in violent contrast to international communism”
― Winston S. Churchill, Zionism Versus Bolshevism

“the schemes of the International Jews. The adherents of this sinister confederacy are mostly men reared up among the unhappy populations of countries where Jews are persecuted on account of their race. Most, if not all of them, have forsaken the faith of their forefathers, and divorced from their minds all spiritual hopes of the next world. This movement among the Jews is not new. From the days of Spartacus-Weishaupt to those of Karl Marx, and down to Trotsky (Russia), Bela Kun (Hungary), Rosa Luxembourg (Germany), and Emma Goldman (United States), this world-wide conspiracy for the overthrow of civilisation and for the reconstitution of society on the basis of arrested development, of envious malevolence, and impossible equality, has been steadily growing. It played, as a modern writer, Mrs. Webster, has so ably shown, a definitely recognisable part in the tragedy of the French Revolution. It has been the mainspring of every subversive movement during the Nineteenth Century; and now at last this band of extraordinary personalities from the underworld of the great cities of Europe and America have gripped the Russian people by the hair of their heads and have become practically the undisputed masters of that enormous empire.”
― Winston S. Churchill, Zionism Versus Bolshevism

“The struggle Stalin waged at the head of the Bolshevik Party against the Trotskyites and Bukharinites was a direct continuation of the struggle waged by Lenin”
― Enver Hoxha, With Stalin: Memoirs

“In the 1920s, Anglo-American medicine was praised for its political independence...especially in comparison to the USSR and Lysenkoism.

In the 2020s, Anglo-American science is mocked around the world for exchanging empirical observation for the cheap thrill of political relevance.”
― A.E. Samaan

“The 1920s, ’30s, and early ’40s were a time of rising nationalism coupled with technology-driven angst and revulsion at governments that appeared to be both corrupt and relics of an earlier age. The widespread questioning and tottering of faith caused prospective Fascist leaders to test their training wheels and spurred movements and fads of every description, from mysticism and belief in fairies to flagpole-sitting and a flirtation across the political spectrum with eugenics and its accompanying racial theories.

Mussolini’s early success energized those whose primary fear was Bolshevism or what they imagined to be Bolshevism: loud demands for higher wages, for example, or campaigns for land reform. In virtually every country, there were veterans who—regardless of which side they had fought on during the war—were contemptuous of civilian politicians. Anti-Semitism, whether casual or visceral, flourished in politics, the professions, academia, and the arts. The bewildering rush of globalization prompted many to find solace in the familiar rhythms of nation, culture, and faith; and people everywhere seemed to be on the lookout for leaders who claimed to have simple and satisfying answers to modernity’s tangled questions.”
― Madeleine K. Albright, Fascism: A Warning

“The state built up by the Bolsheviks reflects not only the thought and will of Bolshevism, but also the cultural level of the country, social composition of the population, the pressure of a barbaric past, and no less barbaric world imperialism. To represent the process of degeneration of the Soviet state as the evolution of pure Bolshevism is to ignore the social reality in the name of only one of its elements, isolated by pure logic. One has only to call this elementary mistake by its real name to do away with every trace of it”
― Leon Trotsky, Stalinism and Bolshevism: Concerning the Historical and Theoretical Roots of the Fourth International

“The old Bolshevik party is dead but Bolshevism is raising its head everywhere.”
― Leon Trotsky, Stalinism and Bolshevism: Concerning the Historical and Theoretical Roots of the Fourth International

“Тогда, в декабрьские дни 1917 года, во мне жили два чувства: дневное и ночное. Дневное говорило: единственный путь — ехать на Дон и оттуда силой, железом подавлять всеобщий развал и бунт, дабы ввести страну в берега законности, правопорядка и отстоять идею Учредительного собрания. Но ночью меня охватывала жутко-пронизывающее чувство. Казалось, что Россия летит в пропасть и дна у этой пропасти нет и никогда не будет, что страна гибнет навсегда, навеки, Признаюсь, и теперь, через шестьдесят лет, ко мне то и дело возвращается это ночное чувство. Кажется, что стремительный лёт России в бездонную пропасть не кончился и через шестьдесят лет, что Россия все еще куда-то летит и летит, не достигая дна. А до дна дойдет только во всеобщем космическом атомном катаклизме, когда и она и другие страны превратятся в отравленные полупустыни с миллионами трупов. Вот тогда ленинская “авантюра во всемирном масштабе” закончится. Дно будет наконец-то достигнуто.”
― Роман Гуль, Я унес Россию

“На XXII съезде Хрущев разорялся о “недопустимых методах физического воздействия”. Но это, конечно, был только тактический и безошибочно сильный “ход конем” в борьбе Хрущева за власть. Пытки были при Ленине, были при Сталине. И эпигоны их не отменили. Если отменили “либерально”, для Запада — введение раскаленного шомпола в анальное отверстие, — то создали новые страшные пытки в психбольницах, разрушая психически человека впрыскиваниями соответственных химикалий.
От методов физического и психического насилья над человеком, от его ломки и сламывания ленинская шайка отказаться никогда не могла и не может.”
― Роман Гуль, Я унес Россию

“We got ourselves into this mess through our indifference, selfishness and corruption,” he told Marguerite. “It is up to us to get ourselves out.” (General Brusilov)”
― Janet Wallach, Flirting with Danger: The Mysterious Life of Marguerite Harrison, Socialite Spy

“Moral chaos and political chaos seemed to have engulfed the world.” Democracy was failing; fascism and Bolshevism were on the rise. (Marguerite Harrison)”
― Janet Wallach, Chanel: Her style and her life

“ĐORGOVIĆ: - Kakav je vaš odnos prema ženama?

ĐILAS: - Slažem se sa Njegošem koji u pesmi “Noć skuplja vijeka” kaže: “ka’ Bog želi, privedoh je svetoj želji” - onu vilu lepoticu, koja mu se priviđa. Znači, Njegoš intimni odnos sa ženom uzima kao božanski čin.

ĐORGOVIĆ: - Mlađi ondašnji komunisti nisu bili baš za ljubav, gajio se asketski moral?

ĐILAS: - Mi smo imali dve faze. Fazu slobodne ljubavi koju sam zatekao kad sam ušao u Partiju [april 1933]. Onda smo imali reakciju i tražili čistotu, koja je povezana sa boljševizacijom, odnosno sa monolitizacijom partije, ideološkom monolitizacijom, ali je povezana i s praksom da jedan olaki erotski život između drugova i drugarica stvara političke probleme, izaziva konflikte, otežava jedinstvo akcije i daje dobar materijal neprijatelju da to iskoristi.

ĐORGOVIĆ: Kada je počelo sa tim shvatanjem?

ĐILAS: - Kada sam izašao iz zatvora 1936. već je to bilo počelo. Ja sam jedan od onih, i Ranković takođe […] U Zagrebu i Ljubljani uvek je bila slabija ta čistunska, doktrinarno čistunska linija. Razume se, ona nije nikad potpuno pobedila, jer mnogi rade ilegalno ono što ne pokazuju javno, ali kod mnogih je pobedila. Igrala je određenu ulogu u smislu homogenizacije Partije, homogenizacije u jednom striktno doktrinarnom smislu. A sve smo to preneli na Armiju za vreme rata, mada je bilo dosta odstupanja. Znate kako je, spavaju ljudi zajedeno …”
― Milovan Đilas, Đilas: vernik i jeretik