one of the foremost achievements of the so-called knowledge economy is the mass production of ignorance, stupidity, and hatefulness.
a book-length
one of the foremost achievements of the so-called knowledge economy is the mass production of ignorance, stupidity, and hatefulness.
a book-length essay in three parts denouncing the faults, flaws, and failings of techno-worship in the age of anthropocenic necrosis, jonathan crary's scorched earth is a resolute, uncompromising call to imagine and implement "egalitarian self-governance, shared ownership, and caring for [our] weakest members." focusing his critique on the internet, social media, and the "world-destroying systems and operations of 24/7 capitalism," crary's impassioned pleas, well-reasoned arguments, and alarming examples are convincing, if utterly distressing. polemical in its approach and far-reaching in its scope, scorched earth adds another much-needed voice to the chorus crying in the wilderness.
in our present moment, all the new forms of digital uprootedness support the illusion of autonomy, while any vague longings for enduring emotional connections are thwarted by the transience and homogeneity of online interactions. inevitably, this reinforces our uncomprehending indifference to the unraveling of the lifeworld around us. we become blind to the mounting uprootings of a different kind, merciless and terrifying, which are on course to shatter our techno-complacency. famine, drought, and warfare continue to force millions from their homes and once-functioning communities, leaving behind lands and whole regions that can no longer support life. by casting our lot in with the "becoming digital" of everything, we drift in the hallucination that it will all somehow persist.
trump is always playing trump—fighting to win, but win what or why? he has no clue and knows he has no clue. and we know he has no clue. and he kno
trump is always playing trump—fighting to win, but win what or why? he has no clue and knows he has no clue. and we know he has no clue. and he knows we know he has no clue. and his lostness, his irreducible sadness, is what i find so compelling, almost moving, about him.
following the successful formula he's employed over several recent books, david shields "specialize[s] in culling smart quotes from other people, assembling them, and putting the david shields brand on the larger structure." so it is with his new book, nobody hates trump more than trump (a title sure to attract quizzical glances whilst riding public transportation). drawing from disparate sources, including interviews, media, literary excerpts, and his own personal insights, shields confronts the fragile ego and psyche of the current president, attempting, perhaps, not so much to make sense of what brought our present moment to bear, but instead the measure of a man equally despised and beloved by so many (though certainly not both by any one sane or rational person).
"beneath his bluff exterior, i've always sensed a hurt, incredibly vunerable little boy who just wanted to be loved. what trump craves most deeply is the adulation he has found so fleeting." (tony schwartz, co-author of the art of the deal, as quoted herein)
nobody hates trump more than trump is, at times, a wonderfully illuminating read, reflecting back at ourselves the very worst of our culture. shields, in spite of his ornery, combative, and amoral subject, at times eschews objectivity and devalues and distracts from his otherwise cogent arguments by offering a snide aside (about public figures not even holding office). nonetheless, shields is clearly fascinated by the president and instead of bashing his many obvious faults, does, seemingly in earnest, attempt to detect and discern a signal amidst all of the noise. shields's vignette styling makes his writing accessible and his broad knowledge base draws connections that may have been overlooked by a less critical mind. in all, nobody hates trump more than trump is one of the more palatable books about the president released since his campaign and subsequent election. while it doesn't offer any answers (or ameliorations), per se, what it does do, it does very well: offer ample evidence of the adage "hurt people hurt people."
the most interesting thing about him to me, by far, is his commitment to self-immolation, which is unmissable and unending.
the american empire is coming to an end. the nation has lost the power and respect needed to induce allies in europe, latin america, asia, and afri
the american empire is coming to an end. the nation has lost the power and respect needed to induce allies in europe, latin america, asia, and africa to do its bidding. add the mounting destruction caused by climate change and you have a recipe for an emerging dystopia. overseeing this descent at the highest levels of the federal and state governments is a motley collection of imbeciles, con artists, thieves, opportunists, and warmongering generals. and to be clear, i include democrats.
pulitzer prize-winning journalist chris hedges has long been a trenchant, incisive writer, and his new book, america: the farewell tour, may well be more urgent and penetrating than anything he's published previously (recognizing the depth and breadth of his impressive backlist). across seven chapters ("decay," "heroin," "work," "sadism," "hate," "gambling," and "freedom"), hedges catalogs and chronicles the myriad ways in which the country continues to unravel (to put it mildly). several portions of the book are excruciating to read, devastating and disturbing in equal measure.
the u.s. government, subservient to corporate power, has become a burlesque. the last vestiges of the rule of law are evaporating. the kleptocrats openly pillage and loot. programs instituted to protect the common good—public education, welfare and environmental regulations—are being dismantled. the bloated military, sucking the marrow out of the nation, is unassailable. poverty is a nightmare for half the population. poor people of color are gunned down with impunity in the streets. our prison system, the world's largest, is filled with the destitute. there is no shortage of artists, intellectuals and writers, from martin buber and george orwell to james baldwin, who warned us that this dystopian era was fast approaching. but in our disneyfied world of intoxicating and endless images, cult of the self and willful illiteracy, we did not listen. we will pay for our negligence.
america: the farewell tour paints a sobering picture of a nation in swift decline. hedges pulls not a single punch in his critique and analysis of the country's perdition. whether confronting a failing health care system, prostitution (and the corollary of sex trafficking), the opioid crisis, the loss of unions and well-paying jobs, debt servitude, religious hypocrisy and duplicity, pornography, the resurgence of bigotry and hate groups, the pitfalls of gambling (casinos alone generate more than $37 billion annually, far more than all four major sports leagues combined [$17.8b], the movie industry [$10.7b], or the music industry [$6.8b]), our for-profit prison system, the militarization of our law enforcement agencies, government corruption and malfeasance, or out-of-control military spending, hedges decries the capitalist system which engenders and encourages all of the above.
this moment in history marks the end of a long, sad tale of geed and murder by the white races. it is inevitable that for the final show we vomited up a figure like trump. europeans and americans have spent five centuries conquering, plundering, exploiting, and polluting the earth in the name of human progress. they used their technological superiority to create the most efficient killing machines on the planet, directed against anyone or anything, especially indigenous cultures, which stood in their way. they stole and hoarded the planet's wealth and resources. they believed that this orgy of blood and gold would never end, and they still believe it. they do not understand that the dark ethic of ceaseless capitalist and imperialist expansion is dooming the exploiters as well as the exploited. but even as we stand on the cusp of extinction we lack the intelligence and imagination to break free from our evolutionary past. as the warning signs become more palpable—rising temperatures, global financial meltdowns, mass human migrations, endless wars, poisoned ecosystems, rampant corruption among the ruling class—we turn to those who chant, either through idiocy or cynicism, the mantra that what worked in the past will work in the future. factual evidence, since it is an impediment to what we desire, is banished.
regardless of political leanings or ideological partisanship, hedges's new book ought to be read by each and every american (perhaps especially by those least likely to do so). finishing america: the farewell tour, it's hard to come away with a sense that we're anything but royally fucked. while none of this began (as so many seem sadly to think) with the inauguration of our 45th president, the rapidity by which we near our own demise is certainly accelerating. hedges encourages sweeping change and his intense aversion to capitalism (and all that it has wrought) cannot be easily dismissed (nor should be at all). hedges has long been a harbinger of the coming storm and america: the farewell tour is but the latest attempt to forewarn and forearm. dismaying and alarming as it may be, this book is altogether necessary, if difficult to digest. chris hedges (who is also an ordained presbyterian minister and has a master's degree from harvard divinity school) is an unflinching writer and, like so many of our best and brightest, is hardly paid the due heed he deserves—much to our own peril.
the conflict will not end until followers of the alt-right and the anti-capitalist left are given a living wage and a voice in how we are governed. take away a person's dignity, agency, and self-esteem and this is what you get. as political power devolved into a more naked form of corporate totalitarianism, as unemployment and underemployment expand, so will extremist groups. they will attract more sympathy and support as the wide population realizes, correctly, that americans have been stripped of all ability to influence the decisions that affect their lives—lives that are getting steadily worse.
but it's so much easier to talk shit than to do shit, because once you are out there representing what you believe, people see the real you. most e
but it's so much easier to talk shit than to do shit, because once you are out there representing what you believe, people see the real you. most everybody in the world wears a mask, and very rarely do people unveil who they really are. and i've done that. i'm naked here. so i'm going to be judged by strangers on the core of who i am, and, yes, that makes me vulnerable and it can even feel terrifying.
former seattle seahawk defensive end (and now current philadelphia eagle!) michael bennett has racked up a number of accolades and accomplishments on the field (a super bowl ring, 3 pro bowls, pro bowl mvp), but his off-field outspokenness has garnered him just as much attention as his athletic feats. in things that make white people uncomfortable (written with sportswriter dave zirin), bennett recounts his time playing football for the ncaa and nfl, taking aim at the hypocrisy of each organization, before turning his attention pointedly at enduring racial injustice. certainly not one to pull punches, bennett offers a personal, reflective account (as human being, father, american, and pro athlete) of contending with dehumanization, marginalization, stereotyping, silencing, and delegitimization — as well as highlighting his ongoing work to help others, assist the less fortunate, support broader movements of inclusivity (there's a whole chapter called "intersectionality also matters"), and continuing self-education.
bennett's candor and commitment to issues of fairness and justice are impressive to behold. it's evident that bennett both thinks and feels deeply and things that make white people uncomfortable comes across as both salvo and salve. whether addressing women's issues, food deserts, racial slurs, the black lives matter movement, and, perhaps most tellingly, forgiveness, bennett amply conveys his passion and knowledge. in an era where traditional role models seem to have forsaking their responsibility in favor of amassing ever more of that filthy lucre, michael bennett stands tally, boldly as an elder young people can strive to emulate. every american (football fan or otherwise) would benefit from a reading of things that make white people uncomfortable, wherein bennett makes plain the case for acknowledging and addressing the many systemic injustices still plaguing our society today.
my parents raised me to challenge the system and to question facts when they are presented to me. you have to question the way things are, because curiosity is what drives the future. questions are the starting point for making any kind of change. this is how i approach the world, and this is how we are raising our daughters so their future can be whatever they want it to be.
man's capacity for justice makes democracy possible, but man's inclination to injustice makes democracy necessary. ~reinhold niebuhr (as quoted in the
man's capacity for justice makes democracy possible, but man's inclination to injustice makes democracy necessary. ~reinhold niebuhr (as quoted in the introduction)
the most striking thing about former fbi director james comey's new book, a higher loyalty: truth, lies, and leadership, isn't, perhaps, how well he writes, nor the candor with which he tells his tale, not even the details and anecdotes he shares about a remarkable career led until his unceremonious firing nearly one year ago. no, the most striking thing about it seems to be that nearly everyone has an opinion (had, even before it hit bookstore shelves), informed not by a casual (let alone close and careful) reading, but by a preconceived, often ideological/partisan-fueled alignment with the talking heads of one's own respective tribal allegiances. comey's memoir, like the man himself, seems to have transcended most rational consideration, viewed (and ultimately judged) instead through the warped lens of media hype and personal feelings regarding the 2016 presidential election.
a higher loyalty is an engaging mix of political memoir and leadership book. as nearly every autobiography must, comey begins by recounting his childhood, which was often characterized by bullying, not fitting in, and struggles to discover his own identity. one particularly harrowing experience as a teenager (held at gunpoint, along with his brother, by the ramsey rapist) did much to shape comey's beliefs about justice, as terrifyingly confronting the prospect of your own death as a boy may well just.
comey recalls his professional trajectory, covering nearly all aspects of his life in public service, including his time as u.s. attorney for the sdny, u.s. deputy attorney general (under george w. bush), and, of course, director of the federal bureau of investigation (where he was preceded by robert mueller). throughout his career, comey was involved in some of the highest profile cases in recent memory, most notably: the mafia, martha stewart, scooter libby, ashcroft and stellar wind (that portion of the book is as thrilling as a cinematic car chase!), torture and enhanced interrogation, police shootings, encryption, and more. throughout his account, we see comey embodying the leadership values he so frequently espouses. during his time at the bureau, it seems like he was beloved by nearly all, striving as he did to change its culture and connect with so many (agents and support staff alike) on a personal level.
though nearly all of the media surrounding this book is concerned with trump, clinton, and the 2016 election, only about a third of the book is actually focused there. comey, with specificity, recreates those tense pre-election moments with the clinton email investigation and the announcement of its subsequent reopening shortly before election day. comey offers insight into his perspective and judgement at the time, sharing the reasoning of why he felt compelled to act as he did (however inconveniently timed or seemingly unfavorable to one candidate or another). throughout it all, we see an fbi director concerned most of all with the rule of law and loyalty to defending the integrity of both the constitution (per his oath of office) and the bureau itself.
ethical leaders do not run from criticism, especially self-criticism, and they don't hide from uncomfortable questions. they welcome them. all people have flaws and i have many. some of mine, as you'll discover in this book, are that i can be stubborn, prideful, overconfident, and driven by ego. i've struggled with those my whole life. there are plenty of moments i look back on and wish i had done things differently, and a few that i am downright embarrassed by. most of us have those moments. the important thing is that we learn from them and hopefully do better.
i don't love criticism, but i know i can be wrong, even when i am certain i am right. listening to others who disagree with me and are willing to criticize me is essential to piercing the seduction of certainty. doubt, i've learned, is wisdom. and the older i get, the less i know for certain. those leaders who never think they are wrong, who never question their judgments or perspectives, are a danger to the organizations and people they lead. in some cases, they are a danger to the nation and the world.
comey goes on to convey details of the now infamous trump tower meeting, the steele dossier, the white house meeting, the "loyalty" dinner, the flynn "cloud," the memos, and his own subsequent dismissal. his memory of these events align squarely with what has been widely reported (even before the memoir's release), so anyone who has kept abreast of the ongoing news these last two years may not find any bombshell revelations. nonetheless, comey's account of these momentous occasions serves as a stark reminder of the precarious political position the nation now finds itself within.
comey, both on the page and in person, comes across as a bright, thoughtful person, observant and discerning, with honor, integrity, and effective leadership amongst the values guiding his public service. he seems to be a remarkable judge of character (as many who were bullied as children must inevitably become), yet cops to his missteps and goes so far as to consider how he might have done things differently if given the chance (or how, even, another fbi director would have handled the very same issues).
within a higher loyalty, comey frequently offers flashes of a well-developed sense of humor and an affable personality that makes it easy to see why he was beloved and respected by so many at the bureau and elsewhere in the government. admittedly, it can be difficult to see through the media spin, partisan rancor, and public smearings, but james comey truly seems like a man guided by the highest principles. with decades in public service, his fidelity to the rule of law, above all, exemplifies him as the exact sort of person we should all want at the upper echelons of government power.
as so many already have their minds made up about james comey, his actions, and his character, a higher loyalty is unlikely to sway too many people one way or another. like it or not, he is an instrumental figure in all that has transpired since the 2016 primaries. where this all ends, no one can yet know, but, for this reader at least, james comey remains an honorable figure whose selfless calling and unwavering devotion to supporting and upholding the rule of law, justice, and fairness for all, is deserving of our collective gratitude and respect.
the next president, no matter the party, will surely emphasize values—truth, integrity, respect, and tolerance—in ways an american leader hasn't needed to for more than forty years. the fire will make something good grow.
i wrote this book because i hope it will be useful to people living among the flames who are thinking about what comes next. i also hope it will be useful to readers long after the flames are doused, by inspiring them to choose a higher loyalty, to find truth among lies, and to pursue ethical leadership.
timothy snyder's on tyranny ought to be required reading during our currentany political epoch. the slope descending in
post-truth is pre-fascism.
timothy snyder's on tyranny ought to be required reading during our currentany political epoch. the slope descending into totalitarianism, authoritarianism, oligarchy, kleptocracy, etc. is indeed a slippery one and synder's brief expository essayistic entries (or are they entreaties?) chronicle the warning signs and symptoms. as a historian and academic focused on central and eastern europe, as well as the holocaust, he knows whence he writes. snyder's lessons are practical and succinct—if not, too, ranging in scope from the mildly troubling to the utterly terrifying. where hyperbole, hysterics, and histrionics abound today, a lucid, compelling, practical, (and ideologically sound) piece capturing the very real fears of our current moment is but a salve. however temporarily soothing, snyder's book is meant as critical forewarning rather than historical afterthought.
no doubt by design, on tyranny was written in an easily digestible manner; a long-form treatment might have alienated many of the readers it sought to target (ie, anyone interested in preserving our republic, the rule of law, and the checks and balances at foundation of our system and our institutions). snyder's work is all too timely, yet also, quite sadly, timeless as well. "americans today are no wiser than the europeans who saw democracy yield to fascism, nazism, or communism in the twentieth century. our one advantage is that we might learn from their experience. now is a good time to do so." indeed & godspeed.
some killed from murderous conviction. but many others who killed were just afraid to stand out. other forces were at work besides conformism. but without the conformists, the great atrocities would have been impossible.
i worry about how important norms of american life are being shattered, along with a unity of purpose. i see the chasms of entrenched partisanship,
i worry about how important norms of american life are being shattered, along with a unity of purpose. i see the chasms of entrenched partisanship, growing inequality on income and opportunity, and the lingering injustices around race, gender, and sexual orientation. i think of my children and my grandchildren. how will they and their generations answer the call?
among the titans of american journalism and reporting, dan rather looms large. with a career spanning six decades, rather embodies the steady and stalwart. his new book (co-written with elliot kirschner), what unites us: reflections on patriotism, is a beautifully written, all-too-timely crash course in the ideals and values that have long defined americanism at its best. segmented into five parts (each with three essays): freedom, community, exploration, responsibility, and character, rather succinctly captures the essence and importance of our long-cherished principles and institutions.
this scorn of knowledge (especially when the conclusions are painful) in exchange for fact-free rhetoric is not entirely new in our history, but it has always been the language of demagoguery and it is a betrayal of our traditions.
whether writing about voting rights, the necessity (and inherent patriotism) of dissent, press freedom, empathy, books, science, service, public education, courage, or any of the other subjects he alights upon in the book, rather's keen insight, measured prose, and love of country combine in convincing fashion. written in the wake of 2016's consequential presidential election, what unites us is an attempt to rise above the partisan din and remind people of all ideological and political leanings of the shared values we've not only long sought to embody, but upon which we've based our national trajectory.
as we seek common ground with our fellow citizens, we cannot forsake our core values. compromise cannot be confused with capitulation.
not once in what unites us does rather mention the current oval office denizen by name. though he clearly alludes to various aspects of the present administration, he's certainly not speaking to them (though he did apparently send the white house a copy — an audiobook version, that is). while it may sound hyperbolic to say so, rather's new book is one that every american ought to read. regardless of party affiliation, it's difficult to imagine the reader who'd finish this book without reassessing the many ways we've (collectively) strayed from what once was considered so foundational and immutable. what unites us is a sadly necessary book in an age of rancor, institutional uncertainty, and exaggerated divisiveness. dan rather, who has witnessed and/or reported upon nearly every major event of the last half-century (civil rights, assassinations, wars, official malfeasance, domestic unrest, terrorist attacks, etc.), unabashedly offers his hard-earned wisdom and perspective, encouraging every american to revisit the myriad ideals that have long made america great (while also acknowledging its imperfections, misdeeds, and fragility).
today we are a divided country. too many decent and law-abiding men and especially women are being told that this nation is not for them, that their values make us weaker, that their voice is better left unspoken. we see elected officials pounding their chests, saying their vision of america represents the only real patriotism. to them i say that patriotism is not a cudgel. it is not an arms race. it also means confronting honestly what is wrong or sinful with our nation and government. i see my love of country imbued with a responsibility to bear witness to its faults.
the trouble with reality: a rumination on moral panic in our time is a short think piece on our current sociopolitical milieu, by brooke gladstone (ofthe trouble with reality: a rumination on moral panic in our time is a short think piece on our current sociopolitical milieu, by brooke gladstone (of on the media fame). composed following the election and inauguration of our 45th president, gladstone confronts our collectively eroding understanding of (and fidelity to) truth, veracity, and the very nature of reality. musing upon "fake news," "alternative facts," and the like, she invokes the wisdom of well-known authors and philosophers to help illustrate her points. though insightful, the trouble with reality doesn't offer much beyond what any thinking person has already spent too many moments of 2017 shaking their head about. nonetheless, gladstone offers a thoughtful, succinct glimpse into a quickly unraveling reality and a tonic to all those that are finding it sadly disorienting and hopelessly inescapable.
by far the greatest source of anxiety for those watching the edifice of reality collapse is the ceaseless cascade of lies. but it is not the lies that pose the existential danger to democracy. it's the lying, the kind of thoroughgoing lying that gives rise to a whole new reality or, better still, to no reality at all.
with only 40-some pages devoted to his time as a comedian and his years on saturday night live, senator franken's new memoir, aptly titled al franken,with only 40-some pages devoted to his time as a comedian and his years on saturday night live, senator franken's new memoir, aptly titled al franken, giant of the senate, focuses mostly on his 2008 senatorial run (with the 8-month recount that followed) and his time as an elected official since (taking us through the 2016 election and trump's inauguration). funny, forthright, and often self-deprecating, franken's book paints a vivid portrait of our dysfunctional congress, stalled legislation, and partisan disharmony—as well as his own policy goals, accomplishments, defeats, etc. as noted in nearly every review so far, the chapter on ted cruz is well worth the read alone ("i like ted cruz more than most of my other colleagues like ted cruz. and i hate ted cruz").
does the senator's new book sow the seeds for a 2020 run at the oval office? there's no telling, of course. what is certain, however, is that if more members of congress shared franken's humility, curiosity, and commitment of service to their (non-corporate) constituents (to say nothing of his sense of humor), we'd surely have less partisan rancor and a legislative branch that might actually fulfill their constitutional charge.
with gifted prose and a compassionate, but penetrating gaze, luiselli personalizes the ongoing plight of latin american child migrants in the united swith gifted prose and a compassionate, but penetrating gaze, luiselli personalizes the ongoing plight of latin american child migrants in the united states. her own immersion as a translator informs a trenchant first-hand account of the labyrinthine legal processes and inevitable bureaucratic indifference faced by undocumented youth. humane yet often horrifying, tell me how it ends offers a compelling, intimate look at a continuing crisis – and its ongoing cost in an age of increasing urgency.
if someone were to draw a map of the hemisphere and chart a child's story and his or her individual route of immigration, then do the same with another child, and another, and then dozens of others, and then the hundreds and thousands that came before and that will come after, the map would collapse into a single line—a fissure, a rift, one long continental scar.
when a natural disaster tears apart a village, the human tendency is for one neighbor to help another, regardless of whatever feelings they may hav
when a natural disaster tears apart a village, the human tendency is for one neighbor to help another, regardless of whatever feelings they may have had for one another before the catastrophe. but we live in a time when merchants of division draw us away from mutuality and toward the undoing of democracy itself.
a series of essays on race and resegregation, jeff chang's new book, we gon' be alright, is a thought-provoking, measured, and perceptive look at post-ferguson america. exploring a variety of subjects, including the 2016 primaries, affirmative action, campus protests, the black lives matter movement, under-representation in the arts, "geographies of inequality," gentrification, displacement, white flight, poverty, racial effects of the great recession, beyoncé's lemonade lp, and the author's own asian-american heritage, chang (author of the incomparable can't stop won't stop: a history of the hip-hop generation) provides an incisive glimpse into our cultural/national struggles to overcome and contend with our racist past and present. eschewing a polemical approach, we gon' be alright instead chronicles our current social milieu with a patient yet incisive eye, espying clearly the many challenges we face collectively and bringing a critical approach to issues of race, racism, and resegregation. chang's new book is a wonderful, necessary addition to (more personal) recent works exploring race in america (including ta-nehisi coates and mychal denzel smith).
each of us is left with the question: can we, given all the pain that we have had inflicted upon us and that we have inflicted upon others, ever learn to see each other as lovers do, to find our way toward freedom for all?
cory booker, the junior senator from new jersey has enjoyed a remarkable political ascendancy. in his first book, united: thoughts on finding common gcory booker, the junior senator from new jersey has enjoyed a remarkable political ascendancy. in his first book, united: thoughts on finding common ground and advancing the common good, the former newark mayor and city councilman offers the obligatory biographical sketch, as well as insight into the formative personal and political experiences that have molded and informed his belief system and governing priorities. perhaps most noteworthy for a political memoir, booker doesn't dwell on his own upbringing, education, or accomplishments, instead detailing the individuals and causes that have inspired and encouraged him to help create a better world.
booker writes movingly about his commitments to confronting issues of poverty, income inequality, accessible housing, education, criminal justice reform, and environmental activism. the senator's compassion, humility, attentiveness, unwavering advocacy, and respect for differences are enviable traits that set him apart from so much of the dysfunction and discord currently plaguing national politics. it would appear that senator booker's trajectory will one day lead to a white house bid, and his selfless work on behalf of constituents will surely make him a formidable candidate.
profound connections exist between all; interdependency so manifest that perceived separation is a delusion. like a great pool containing millions of drops of water, introduce a stone and all are elevated, poison a part and all are ill affected. you can't connect more or less; the connection exists no matter what our perception. but ignore the connection, deny it, and consequences come. yet still we too often obscure the truth of our interconnection; we insult our bonds with indifference; and through self-inflicted blindness to connection we curse the whole and damn ourselves.
the law always is: you reap what you sow; for every action there is an equal and opposite reaction; cause and effect. humble people teach us this and more. they are great masters, the best of whom i have found are not on television, not at a university, and not elected to any office. they do not preach sermons, give lectures, or dispense orders. they do. without fanfare, they do the best they can, with what they have, where they are. they themselves are often the ignored and marginalized, and often they are the redeemed or the prodigal child come home repentant. whatever their journey, they humbly manifest the truth preached by dr. king: "injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere; we are all caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a common garment of destiny."
let me also say there is no doubt in my mind what many—not all but many—of my republican colleagues want to do; that is, they want to move this cou
let me also say there is no doubt in my mind what many—not all but many—of my republican colleagues want to do; that is, they want to move this country back into the 1920s when essentially we had an economic and political system which was controlled by big money interests; where working people and the middle class had no programs to sustain them when things got bad, when they got old, and when they got sick; when labor unions were very hard to come by because of antiworker legislation. that is what they want. they do not believe in things like the environmental protection agency. they do not believe in things like social security, medicare, medicaid, federal aid to education. that is the fight we will be waging.
essentially a transcript of senator bernie sanders's 8.5+ hour speech on the senate floor in late 2010, the speech: on corporate greed and the decline of our middle class finds the now-presidential candidate condemning the collapse of the working class at the hands of the greedy, powerful, and malfeasant. armed with research and statistics, senator sanders discusses income disparity, energy independence, our crumbling infrastructure, corporate taxes and refunds, bailouts, social security, the estate tax, capital gains, education, childhood poverty, unemployment, trade policies, the offshoring of american jobs, banking deregulation, the loss of manufacturing jobs, usury, and a host of other public policy matters.
the longest-serving independent in congressional history, sanders's priorities have remained remarkably uniform over the decades, as has his commitment to progressive ideals and leveling the playing field for middle and lower class americans. the speech may be easily read as a campaign platform, since nearly all of the issues sanders has raised in the 2016 presidential race are expounded upon at great length. moving beyond partisan bickering and rancor, sanders offers a coherent, sane, and moral plan to restore income equality and ensure economic justice. while many of the statistics, legislation, and decades-long trends cited throughout the speech are likely to infuriate compassionate, thinking people, sanders's offers a call to action, imploring the american populace to more fully and effectively engage the political process.
the very strong response to my speech in 2010 and our campaign tells me that the hunger for a discussion about economic truths, for a counterattack on the ferocious assaults that are taking place against working families, and for a practical plan on how we can reverse the obscene politics that favor the rich over the middle class and disadvantaged in our nation is growing all over america.
completed two days before he was murdered in the january 2015 charlie hebdo attack in paris, open letter: on blasphemy, islamophobia, and the true enecompleted two days before he was murdered in the january 2015 charlie hebdo attack in paris, open letter: on blasphemy, islamophobia, and the true enemies of free expression is an essay commentary on free speech, racism, and intellectual hypocrisy from french cartoonist, journalist, and editor-in-chief charb (stéphane charbonnier). emphatic, impassioned, and resolute, open letter sharply criticizes those that capitalize (and profit) upon the idea of islamophobia (a word that charb deftly deconstructs in all of its nonsensicalness), as well as those that purport to decry racism while duplicitously exploiting its very real and pernicious effects.
open letter, written to those least likely to read (let alone heed) its words, addresses blasphemy, charges of provocation and intolerance, as well as the reactionary response garnered by satirical cartoons and the like. charb's ardent defense of free speech and free expression (in all its myriad forms) is a clarion call for its vigorous and active protection. with wit, erudition, and ample, tenable logic, charb's open letter is a brief, but important condemnation of the ongoing (and ever-increasing) threat to free, open, and unfettered expression.
nowadays, when a journalist asks a muslim to comment on "the rise of islamophobia," what he's really asking for is commentary on something the media themselves have created. in other words, the reporter helps amplify the problem and then claims to be surprised that the problem exists and endures. the muslim leader whom the prime-time anchor has called on to express his opinion of this notorious "rise of islamophobia" should spit in his eye. he is face-to-face with the guy whose very job is to peddle fear of islam.
*with a wonderful, indispensable foreword by adam gopnik....more
that the daughter of an oklahoma telephone operator and a maintenance man would go on to become the first female senator of the commonwealth of massacthat the daughter of an oklahoma telephone operator and a maintenance man would go on to become the first female senator of the commonwealth of massachusetts is, in and of itself, a compelling story. a fighting chance, however, beyond the inspiring tale of elizabeth warren's journey to the u.s. senate chamber, is also the narrative of a financial and political system rigged to favor the already wealthy and powerful at the expense of poor and middle-class families.
senator warren's memoir combines the personal and the political in a candid, touching, and, at times, playful account of her life. beginning with her working-class upbringing in the midwest, warren recalls the long, often arduous road to elected office (which she sought ever-reluctantly). while chronicling her time as a bankruptcy expert, university law professor, chair of the congressional oversight panel (COP) for the troubled assest relief program (TARP), progenitor of the consumer financial protection bureau, and special assistant to the president, warren also shares the intimate joys and tribulations of family life that occurred concurrent to her professional ascendancy. throughout a fighting chance, it becomes evident that, for warren, the personal is the political, and conversely so, as well.
warren's commitment to advocating and fighting for american families and children has been evident throughout her career. as one of the nation's foremost bankruptcy experts, warren's work quickly drew the attention of leaders in washington (and not too soon thereafter, the ire of bankers). frequently in her memoir, warren offers stupefying statistics that lay bear the implications of bankruptcy on both families and the nation as a whole:
by 2001 (before the 2008 financial meltdown)...
*more children would live through their parents' bankruptcy than their parents' divorce.
*more women would file for bankruptcy than would graduate from college.
*more people would file for bankruptcy than would be diagnosed with cancer.
*some fifteen million families filed for bankruptcy in a single decade.
warren unabashedly calls out banking deregulation, predatory lending, the unchecked access and pernicious effects of banking lobbyists, and a misunderstanding and demonization of the risk factors for bankruptcy as contributors to the financial crisis. her adjudication of a "rigged" politico-economic system is corroborated by evidence both empirical and anecdotal (after a quarter-century spent researching and studying it).
while a fighting chance concludes with warren's well-publicized senatorial campaign against scott brown (and its landmark "people's pledge"), she makes clear that her election is but the continuation of a fight she had begun decades ago - and aims to continue from her position of greater influence.
some say the rich and powerful now control washington and always will. i say this battle isn't over yet. true, the playing field isn't level and the system is rigged. but we're putting up a heck of a fight, and we intend to keep on fighting.
this victory wasn't mine. that's not some kind of fake modesty talk - no, that statement is deep-down truth. this victory belonged to all the families who have been chipped away at, squeezed, and hammered. this time, they fought together and won. and now they were sending me to washington to fight for them and for every hardworking family who just wants a fighting chance to live the american dream.
elizabeth warren is perhaps a rarity amongst elected officials, as she's never aspired to, nor made a career of, being a politician. her devotion to creating a level-playing field for all americans is borne of her own family's experiences, a career researching bankruptcy and teaching law, and a moral sense of responsibility. while so many politicians are motivated by corporate donations, lobbyist influences, and re-election hopes, senator warren is galvanized by (re)creating the opportunities that were once more widely available to all americans. regardless of political persuasion or ideological disposition, if this nation had more congresspeople and senators of similar conviction and character, we'd increasingly see discourse unencumbered by partisan rhetoric, as well as legislation that truly accomplishes the will of the people (rather than corporate interests).
it's easy to see why senator warren's populist appeal speaks to and inspires so many (and frightens so many others), and her memoir makes clear that her principles apply equally to family and nation. warren's tenacity, passion, and intelligence are obvious assets, but her humanity and humility seem so distinguishing when compared to her 534 peers. a fighting chance is a fine political memoir (and an accomplished personal one, as well), but most remarkable are the two traits that seem to define the senior senator's approach to everything (whether government or grandchildren): integrity and fidelity.
equality. opportunity. the pursuit of happiness. an america that builds something better for the next kid and the kid after that and the kid after that.
no one is asking for a handout. all we want is a country where everyone pays a fair share, a country where we build opportunities for all of us; a country where everyone plays by the same rules and everyone is held accountable. and we have begun to fight for it.
president carter himself describes a call to action as the most important book he's ever written (having authored 28). his thesis is lucid:
yet althoug
president carter himself describes a call to action as the most important book he's ever written (having authored 28). his thesis is lucid:
yet although economic disparity is a great and growing problem, i have become convinced that the most serious and unaddressed worldwide challenge is the deprivation and abuse of women and girls, largely caused by a false interpretation of carefully selected religious texts and a growing tolerance of violence and warfare, unfortunately following the example set during my lifetime by the united states.
one could easily make the case that humanity has a deep hatred, loathing, and contempt for womankind - as evidenced by their treatment across centuries and cultures. a westerner would perhaps be likely to point their accusing finger at third world nations and decry the many abuses suffered by women there, yet industrialized nations often treat their women as degradingly (albeit with less overt barbarity - having long since refined and institutionalized the practice).
carter's book considers many ways in which women (and girls) are systematically abused, neglected, exploited, and debased throughout the world. chapters on prisons, executions, sexual assault and rape, violence and warfare, genocide, slavery, prostitution, spouse abuse, honor killings, genital cutting, child marriage, and healthcare form a troubling portrait of the reprehensible treatment of women the world over. with staggering statistics and disturbing first-hand accounts aplenty, a call to action is at once heartbreaking and infuriating.
carter calls to account religious leaders, politicians, governments, and others for not doing more to oppose the pervasive mistreatment and enforced inequality of women. of particular note is his characterization of the oft-utilized practice of selectively quoting, misinterpreting, and misapplying religious/sacred texts to justify such treatment as divinely inspired. throughout the book, carter highlights groups and individuals leading the efforts to combat inequality and abuse.
patriarchy, quite obviously, has wrought a world wherein women are often considered and treated as second-class citizens (or worse). president carter, rosalynn carter, and the carter center have worked tirelessly on a host of human rights, public policy, and peace issues for over 30 years now. a call to action may well be the summation of a life spent in service of humanity - with its aim of bringing attention to the often horrific treatment endured by half the world's population.
what prevents us from... taking action to secure basic human rights for women? some of us are paralyzed by the extent and complexity of the problems. some of us have become desensitized by societal violence and no longer recognize it when it occurs. some have misinterpreted holy scripture and believe god has ordained a lower status for women. some men are afraid of losing their advantages in a paternalistic society. but these two simple success stories illustrate how the suffering of women and girls can be alleviated by an individual's forceful action and how the benefits of such actions stretch out into the larger society. political and religious leaders share a special responsibility, but the fact is that all of us can act within our own spheres of influence to meet the challenges.
to anyone that has been paying attention for the past few decades (or can recall the lessons of alcohol prohibition), it is rather evident that the wato anyone that has been paying attention for the past few decades (or can recall the lessons of alcohol prohibition), it is rather evident that the war on drugs has been not only a dismal failure, but also a tremendous waste of lives and resources. this counterproductive debacle has cost us some one trillion dollars, swelled our prisons (we now have the highest incarceration rate of any country in the world), enabled cartels, disrupted lives, ruined families - all while having a most negligible effect on supply, demand, availability, and consumption. doug fine's too high to fail takes aim at this national travesty, especially the ongoing focus on cannabis, in a well-researched, intriguing, and often infuriating exposé.
fine and his family moved from their home in new mexico to what is perhaps ground zero of the ever-burgeoning movement to restore sense and logic to our local, state, and federal drug policies - mendocino county, situated within california's famed emerald triangle. known for progressive attitudes towards cannabis, medical marijuana, and the cultivation thereof, fine uses mendocino as a litmus test or springboard from which the rest of the nation may learn and soon follow suit. fine spent a year amongst growers, local law enforcement, and other citizens to gauge how well their permissive experiment is going - focusing often on crime, revenue, sustainability, and quality of life issues.
while fine's argument is not a new or unique one, it adds a compelling voice to the chorus of americans (judges, sheriffs, moms, farmers, academics, conservatives, liberals, and other fans of logic and reason) whom overwhelmingly now favor access to medical marijuana and, to a lesser extent (but still in the majority), those that believe cannabis ought to be reclassified under federal law altogether (as it is currently regulated more stringently than cocaine, opium, methamphetamine, and a whole host of oft-abused pharmaceutical and prescription drugs). fine's reportage takes on a personal note, as he evaluates much more than data and figures alone. with a sluggish economy and new opportunities for taxation and the reduction of costs related to cannabis prohibition, more towns, cities, counties, and states are beginning to explore alternatives to our decades-old draconian drug laws. with so much to gain (alleviated prison conditions, reduced enforcement spending, suppression of drug cartels and associated violence, increased tax revenue, agricultural and industrial resurgence per hemp farming, regulation of the black market, focus on harm reduction, the availability of demonstrably effective medicine, the decriminalization of behavior that is increasingly losing its taboo, and more), fine makes clear that the social acceptance and voter tolerance of drug law alternatives continue to gain in popularity. while our nation's politicians continue to lag behind on an issue with such far-reaching ramifications and consequences, the populace's demands for change continue to grow ever louder.
too high to fail is not an academic treatise by any stretch of the imagination, but instead a well-reasoned, often compelling argument for change, compassion, and common sense. fine's writing style is perhaps somewhat similar to michael pollan's - interjecting personal narrative and humor into the book's broader theme and subject. as the issue gains ever more traction nationwide, we may well be witnessing the early death throes of federal cannabis constraint (which will, of course, begin on the state level and eventually spread upward). while a lot of drug policy books may be unable to change the minds of readers, too high to fail will, at the least, offer a more sensible approach with which to think about this long, costly, tragic, ineffective, and ultimately embarrassing national nightmare.
the drug war is, along with alcohol prohibition, one of america's worst waste of resources. it is one of our nation's most awful policies, lumped in with dark episodes of our history like jim crow. it is one big constitutional violation, and it isn't necessary. it needlessly and with hardly any real effect - other than causing the founding fathers to roll over in the graves - misspends billions that could be otherwise much better directed. ending the war on drugs - or at least fundamentally changing it and removing cannabis from the equation - should be a national imperative.
chris hedges's writing and reportage is consistently trenchant and unequivocal, notable for its discerning examinations and penetrating insights. joe chris hedges's writing and reportage is consistently trenchant and unequivocal, notable for its discerning examinations and penetrating insights. joe sacco's award-winning work as a cartoonist is as distinctive as it is compassionate. combining the immense talents of these two men can only result in a devastating, powerful book of timely importance. so it is with days of destruction, days of revolt.
the decline of america is a story of gross injustices, declining standards of living, stagnant or falling wages, long-term unemployment and underemployment, and the curtailment of basic liberties, especially as we militarize our police. it is a story of the weakest forever being crushed by the strong. it is the story of unchecked and unfettered corporate power, which has taken our government hostage, overseen the dismantling of our manufacturing base, bankrupted the nation, and plundered and contaminated our natural resources.
two years ago, hedges and sacco set out to visit areas of the united states that have long been the victims of varying forms of exploitation, neglect, and degradation. the common thread shared by these forlorn locales is that each, in its own way, has served as the sacrificial setting (with individuals, families, once-enduring ways of life, and the environment as the sacrificed) to the insatiable appetites of corporate profit and greed. their book recounts the time they spent in these places, ably portraying the stories of not only the locations themselves and their sorrowful declines, but also the inhabitants and citizens that have long borne witness and suffered (and continue to do so) the abuses they are all but powerless to combat.
the four "sacrifice zones" that hedges and sacco immersed themselves within are the pine ridge reservation in south dakota (with the lowest life expectancy for males [48] anywhere in the western world save for haiti), camden, new jersey (a once flourishing industrial center that is now home to the highest poverty rate per capita in the united states), southern west virginia, where coal companies, via the abhorrent practice of mountaintop removal, have laid waste to the landscape and befouled air, soil, and water, further endangering the lives of an already impoverished class of once-proud rural miners, and finally immokalee, florida where migrant agricultural workers (many undocumented) are forced to work in dangerous, deplorable conditions that "replicate slavery." while each of these four settings is beset by their own unique array of circumstances and challenges, they share a commonality in that they have all been preyed upon by the forces of an unrestrained capitalism whose only goals are ever greater profits and the relentless conversion of resources (be they fossil fuels or people) into aggregated wealth. the individuals that hedges and sacco met with, while each marginalized, neglected, and exploited in their own way, represent far more than the destitute and bereft- they are vassals in the neofeudalistic system that enrich the corporate elite at the expense of everyone and everything else.
as societies become more complex they inevitable become more precarious and vulnerable. as they begin to break down, the terrified and confused population withdraws from reality, unable to acknowledge their fragility and impending collapse. the elites retreat into isolated compounds, whether at versailles, the forbidden city, or modern palatial estates. they indulge in unchecked hedonism, the accumulation of wealth, and extravagant consumption. the suffering masses are repressed with greater and greater ferocity. resources are depleted until they are exhausted. and then the hollowed-out edifice collapses. the roman and sumerian empires fell this way. the mayan elite became, at the end, as the anthropologist ronald wright notes in a short history of progress, "...extremists, or ultraconservatives, squeezing the last drops of profit from nature and humanity." this is how all civilizations, including our own, ossify and collapse.
as hedges and sacco were nearing completion of their book, a group consisting of a few hundred activists in a lower manhattan park "unwittingly triggered a global movement of resistance that would reverberate across the country and the capitals of europe." occupy wall street took aim at corporate greed, corruption, cronyism, and the undue influence corporations have over democracy. as an antipode to the impotence found in the desolated regions they visited earlier, zuccotti park represented a vitality and intensity that offered a differing account to the one proffered by the monolithic corporate media. as they had done elsewhere, hedges and sacco listened, interviewed and reported upon the burgeoning movement as it grew from its infancy. whereas hope had been but an abstraction in camden, pine ridge, immokalee, and west virginia, in new york city they witnessed collective aspirations amounting to a clarion call for restorative justice.
days of destruction, days of revolt is an often unsettling, upsetting book. the clarity and empathy with which chris hedges and joe sacco crafted this book is colored by its unyielding potency. their work serves as a steadfast documentary on the calamitous effects of allowing plutocratic rule to proliferate. as we observe the increasing criminalization of dissent, growing disparity of wealth, and rapidly advancing debasement of the ecosystems upon which we depend for survival, a new narrative is taking form. with their book, hedges and sacco have made a laudable effort in so eloquently contrasting these opposing forces. days of destruction, days of revolt is a blistering indictment of unfettered capitalism, a lament for the inhumane and callous treatment of those it deems expendable, and, perhaps most importantly, a rousing portrait of what our future may look like if it is permitted to endure.
the devastation of pine ridge, in camden, in southern west virginia, and in the florida produce fields has worked its way upward. the corporate leviathan has migrated with the steady and ominous thud of destruction from the outer sacrifice zones to devour what remains. the vaunted american dream, the idea that life will get better, that progress is inevitable if we obey the rules and work hard, that material prosperity is assured, has been replaced by a hard and bitter truth. the american dream, we now know, is a lie. we will all be sacrificed. the virus of corporate abuse- the perverted belief that only corporate profit matters- has spread to outsource out jobs, cut the budgets of our schools, close our libraries, and plague our communities with foreclosures and unemployment. this virus has brought with it a security and surveillance state that seeks to keep us all on a reservation. no one is immune. the suffering of the other, of the native american, the african american in the inner city, the unemployed coal miner, or the hispanic produce picker is universal. they went first. we are next. the indifference we showed to the plight of the underclass, in biblical terms our 'neighbor,' haunts us. we failed them, and in doing so we failed ourselves. we were accomplices in our own demise. revolt is all we have left. it is the only hope.
someplace like america: tales from the new great depression, as with so many other important and deserving books, may never enjoy the level of attentisomeplace like america: tales from the new great depression, as with so many other important and deserving books, may never enjoy the level of attention and readership it so obviously merits. written by dale maharidge and featuring photographs by long-time collaborator michael s. williamson (both of whom are pulitzer prize recipients), someplace like america is a haunting, cross-country journey through the individual lives of america's increasingly neglected working class. spanning some three decades from the early years of the reagan administration through the aftermath of the 2008 economic crisis, maharidge and williamson offer a trenchant, personal glimpse into the hardship, humiliation, and suffering endured by countless americans as a result of the nation's prolonged and systemic avarice.
revisiting many of the individuals and families documented in their 1985 book, journey to nowhere: the saga of the new underclass, maharidge and williamson crisscrossed the nation (often by hopping trains) to find and interview subjects devastated by an economy that often appears to be systematically excluding more and more people. many of the interviewees were middle class citizens recently made homeless by layoffs, medical debt, or foreclosure. while volumes could be written about our nation's poor, the focus of someplace like america is instead upon people who were aspiring towards the so-called american dream when, for one reason or another, they had everything ripped out from beneath them.
these tales of woe and misfortune are what have followed after three decade's worth of failed policies, including trickle-down economics, nafta and the ensuing outsourcing of jobs, predatory lending, and banking deregulation. as keynesian economics were forsaken in favor of the more libertarian theories of milton friedman, the united states fell prey to a slow repeal of the new deal-era programs and policies that not only helped restore the economy following the great depression but also set up a social safety net aimed at forestalling, or at least mitigating, the next economic catastrophe. as americans are forced to confront many of the same challenges of the 1930s, a variety of complicating factors have made it more difficult for them to stave of the prospects of home foreclosure, hunger, and homelessness. maharidge deftly portrays the precariousness faced by so many americans today, as the working class is forced to make ever more concessions amidst stagnating wages and harder-to-find jobs, while the wealthy consolidate their riches even further.
we are essentially struggling to relearn the lessons of the 1930s. we are also reliving a version of its political and economic battles, as well as fighting new ones.
from youngstown, ohio to post-katrina new orleans to both coasts and points in between, the nation's financial predicament has strayed from the mere realm of economics to shape and inform other current debates, including race and immigration (with all its requisite scapegoating). the combination of maharidge's prose and williamson's photographs portray this stark era in american history with both compassion and incisiveness. the personal tales recounted in someplace like america are troubling and often heartbreaking, yet not without a hopeful outlook. maharidge and williamson's book is often an emotional one, but the courageousness and perseverance evinced by their subjects is inspiring and redemptive. someplace like america is a work so important, so revealing, that it ought to be read by all americans, to say nothing of our culpable and adversarial elected officials.
what i want to tell all of them is this: we don't have to be a tarp nation. we overcame that kind of desperation and lack of caring for our fellow citizens in the 1930s. we can do it again. no little girl in this country should have to grow up with the memory of huddling homeless and terrified in a tent as a tornado blows in. we will at long last relearn what is truly too big to fail- the lives and hopes of working men and women.
the first in matt love's beaver state trilogy, grasping wastrels vs. beaches forever inc. is a slim collection of essays tracing the nearly century olthe first in matt love's beaver state trilogy, grasping wastrels vs. beaches forever inc. is a slim collection of essays tracing the nearly century old battle for the oregon coast. from former governor oswald west's 66-word 1913 law declaring that our beaches shall forever remain public, to the current, ongoing fights to develop (destroy?) coastal land, the book is part well-researched history lesson and part passionate entreaty. while oregon was unique among other states in its progressive vision to preserve and protect its beaches from privatization, greed, and development, the state's commitment to this legacy has waxed and waned greatly over the passing decades (mostly on account of elected officials). love recounts the devotion with which oregonians once rallied to protect our coast and the creeping apathy that again makes it vulnerable. an essay on the history and development of highway 101 ("the straightening") is particularly fascinating, however disturbing and tragic. matt love's adoration of and loyalty to oregon's beaches are second to none, and this book is a testament not only to his immense talent as a writer and storyteller but also to his integrity as a citizen willing to stand up and fight for what he believes in. every oregonian should be thankful we have him amongst our ranks.
from the book, oregon: end of the trail, published in 1940 by the wpa's federal writers' project: "will the sons of the impending industrial age be shorter and shrewder, and the daughters dependent for their beauty upon commodities sold in drug-stores; and will oregonians become less appreciative of nature and rooted living and more avid and neurotic in the pursuit of wealth?"
former governor oswald west, upon signing the law forever protecting our beloved oregon beaches: "no local selfish interest should be permitted, through politics or otherwise, to destroy or even impair this great birthright of our people."...more