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238 pages, Paperback
Published July 17, 2020
Religious authority figures who abuse women and children do not do so because they are religious, but religion--protected by the Constitution of the United States, rendered special in the minds of Americans--too often provides cover for abusers and imbues them with power. "The more powerful the perpetrator, the greater his prerogative to name and define reality, and the more completely his arguments with prevail," writes Judith Herman (Trauma and Recovery: The Aftermath of Violence - From Domestic Abuse to Political Terror, 8). Religion can keep us from recognizing certain behaviors, certain requests, certain habits, as abusive. (144)
Though Najmabadi's focus is on nineteenth century Iran, her book is a case study with global and contemporary significance as it highlights the intersections between misogyny, heterosexuality, and imperialism. In a nutshell, Najmabadi argues that as the new concept of heterosexuality began to circulate in the nineteenth century, Iranians resisted one of its defining principles--that men should feel love for, and desire companionship with, women. This idea was a "hard sell;' Najmabadi explains, not only because it conflicted with long-standing beliefs about women's subordination and degraded status (how could men love their inferiors?) but also because most Iranians had lived in gender-segregated and homosocial (if not homoerotic) environments in which intimacy was reserved for people of the same sex. Najmabadi further explains that even heterosexual lust was looked upon with suspicion by some Iranian commentators, because it stood to threaten men's patriarchal power: "if a woman can satisfy a man's desire, he may become enamored of her, develop an affection bordering on love, and consequently, become subordinate to her?' And yet, under the imperialist influence of Europe, where new ideas about the superiority of heterosexual romantic love and the pathology of homosociality were rapidly taking hold, the Iranian state launched a cultural campaign to encourage men and women to direct their affections toward each other. This represented a dramatic shift in the way that men's relationships with women were conceptualized, and it presented something of a paradox: "falling in love was what a man did with other men ... [and] falling in love with women more often than not was unmanly;' but modern heterosexuality compelled men to engage in precisely this unmanly act.
Najmabadi's book drew my attention to two seemingly obvious but rarely acknowledged points: (1) modern notions of heterosexuality require men to feel love and affection for women, the very population they have dominated and dehumanized for centuries, and (2) this has caused many problems for straight people, who are struggling to transition from the trauma and legacy of misogyny to something more authentically "straight"-if by straightness, we mean authentic and noncoercive heterosexual love. While Najmabadi's focus was on Iran, there is evidence across the globe of men's resistance to loving their wives and other women sexual partners and of the historically and culturally varied manifestations of women's horrific subjugation by men in marriage.