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Mussolini's Italy: Life Under the Fascist Dictatorship, 1915-1945
An evaluation of Italy's notorious Fascist period under dictator Benito Mussolini considers its violence and demands for obedience, noting how it served as a model for other twentieth-century dictatorships while arguing that the nation's largely undeveloped country and tribal family structures helped Italians to devise creative survival and resistance methods. 30,000 first printing.
692 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 2005
About the author
Richard J.B. Bosworth
21 books20 followersA leading expert on modern Italian history, Richard James Boon Bosworth is Emeritus Fellow at Jesus College, Oxford University. He earned a BA and an Hons. MA at the University of Sydney and a PhD at St John’s College, Cambridge. He taught at the University of Sydney from 1969 to 1986, the University of Western Australia from 1987 to 2011 and Reading University from 2007-2011. Bosworth has also been a Visiting Fellow at St. John’s College and Clare Hall, Cambridge, Balliol and All Souls Colleges in Oxford, as well as a Visiting Professor at Trento University in Italy.
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 58 reviews
July 15, 2021
Bosworth's mastery of the Italian-language historiography leaves me breathless. His style of writing does the same.
His background as a social historian leavens the process through which Fascism sought to remake the fabric of society with ironic microstudies of nepotism& the petty power plays. Unfortunately, his biographies of Fascist philosophers etc. make a forced entry into the flow of the narrative & wander off equally at random. The net result is a book that you read at 10 pages per day when the going is good and flip at 10 pages per day when the going is slow.
Inevitably, the wartime chapters wake me up. Bosworth borrows the gunfire from Knox* & looks at the home front. The fundamental unpreparedness of Italy as a military power in terms of material resources & industry is best symbolized by food shortages as early as 1940 (the German invasions that spring triggered a similar immediate rationing at home). Going against the grain of a reconciliatory view fostered by post-war neo-Fascist parties, the violence perpetrated by the Salo Republic in 1943-45 shows that Italians didn't need the Germans to actually commit the cruelties that a Nazi occupation inspired.
So where's Mussolini ? In there...above there...lording increasingly powerlessly. There's Bosworth's own critical biography of Il Duce to get the full story**. One thing is certain to stick here: the Third Way's New Man was a thin veneer laquered onto & rapidly removed off the surface of Italian life. The bonds of the Catholic Church, local networks & transatlantic migration links endured.
The only thing missing is an akward family moment between an Italian-American GI & his cousin the village party boss.
*Mussolini by Richard J.B. Bosworth
**Mussolini Unleashed, 1939-1941: Politics and Strategy in Fascist Italy's Last War by MacGregor Knox
His background as a social historian leavens the process through which Fascism sought to remake the fabric of society with ironic microstudies of nepotism& the petty power plays. Unfortunately, his biographies of Fascist philosophers etc. make a forced entry into the flow of the narrative & wander off equally at random. The net result is a book that you read at 10 pages per day when the going is good and flip at 10 pages per day when the going is slow.
Inevitably, the wartime chapters wake me up. Bosworth borrows the gunfire from Knox* & looks at the home front. The fundamental unpreparedness of Italy as a military power in terms of material resources & industry is best symbolized by food shortages as early as 1940 (the German invasions that spring triggered a similar immediate rationing at home). Going against the grain of a reconciliatory view fostered by post-war neo-Fascist parties, the violence perpetrated by the Salo Republic in 1943-45 shows that Italians didn't need the Germans to actually commit the cruelties that a Nazi occupation inspired.
So where's Mussolini ? In there...above there...lording increasingly powerlessly. There's Bosworth's own critical biography of Il Duce to get the full story**. One thing is certain to stick here: the Third Way's New Man was a thin veneer laquered onto & rapidly removed off the surface of Italian life. The bonds of the Catholic Church, local networks & transatlantic migration links endured.
The only thing missing is an akward family moment between an Italian-American GI & his cousin the village party boss.
*Mussolini by Richard J.B. Bosworth
**Mussolini Unleashed, 1939-1941: Politics and Strategy in Fascist Italy's Last War by MacGregor Knox
November 27, 2018
It's no surprise that such an interesting and thought-inspiring book about Italian Fascism has been written by Richard Bosworth, who wrote an acclaimed biography of the Duce several years before he wrote this work. What is a little more surprising (to me anyway), is that Richard Bosworth is a history academic from Perth, Western Australia.
Be that as it may, the book under review is a fascinating and enlightening approach to the history of Fascist Italy. It is not a book for someone clueless about that period in that country - I thought I knew a fair bit about the subject, but still found myself occasionally referring to other texts while I was reading this book. That is because this is not a standard narrative history, but one historian's view of events as they related to the "average person" who was living through these events. Bosworth has skillfully used records from the Italian secret police archives to flesh out the social and political issues of the day.
The problem Fascism had throughout it's time in Italy was two-fold....they weren't sure what they stood for, and they failed to impose themselves into the strong and ancient fabric of Italian society.
Those of us who live in the "ancient" democracies, such as the USA, Britain and Australia, can have a tendency to forget that democracy in other places can have shallow roots. Italy was one of those places - as a country Italy was barely 50 years old at the beginning of the First World War. The Italian society and polity were not prepared for the slaughter that came to them at battles such as Caporetto, and the Liberal government's decision to enter the war for essentially shallow reasons of territorial greed left them bereft in the nation's eyes when the gains did not come. The war had instilled in those who served a sense that the Italian state could be much more than it currently was, if only the current system disappeared.
And so began the early post-war years, when ex-servicemen joined together in fasces, which varied from what were basically armed gangs to groups of people who wished to change the direction of politics. This idea that the original Fascists were a mixture of thugs and pseudo-intellectuals is in Bosworth's eyes more-or-less accurate, and the birth of Fascism as knowing what it was against, but not necessarily what it was for, led to the path of demagoguery and corruption.
Mussolini emerged as the Duce, but as dictators go, he seemed to have a fair sense that he was not fully in control of things in Italy. He was right. Many of the Fascist fellow-travellers started to fill their own pockets, and those of their connections, once power was in their grasp. The concept of raccomandazione - or seeking favour with those in power via your connexions or through sycophancy - was in Italy as old as the Roman Empire, and, despite early attempts by the Fascists to eradicate it, became firmly entrenched in Fascist life.
The one thing that the populace might have hoped to gain from Fascism was a better standard of living. The shambolic nature of the system meant that even this did not happen - the poor remained poor (and got poorer), the rich came to their accommodations with the regime (as the regime did with them), and life went on pretty much as usual; although there were more parades, and you could shop someone to the secret police at any time (although raccomandazione used well could get a sentence reduced or even quashed).
The problem of what Fascism stood for gnawed at the regime as well - the corporatist nature of Fascism as we understand it now developed slowly in Italy - the "socialist" word was used south as well as north of the Alps - although the anti Bolshevik nature of the movement existed from the beginning. The one thing Fascism needed was to be seen to be continually moving forward - owing to its corruption and lack of ability that couldn't happen on the Peninsula, so the regime started to push its colonial and war-like nature. All the colonial adventures gave the regime in reality was denegration from the rest of the World, more corruption, and additional drains on the already extended national exchequer. In the minds of those that mattered, unfortunately, it made them think they were stronger than they in fact were - which led to the disastrous decision to enter the Second World War.
The under-prepared and ill-equipped Italian armed forces became easy prey for the Allies (including Greece), and the War showed the shallow roots that Fascism had propagated in Italian society. Led by Nazi Germany (once they had committed to the Axis, Italy had little say in overall strategy), Italy declared war on the United States: given the strong connexions between Italy and that country, the (rather poorly planned) propaganda now lost all reality to the people, who had their own sources of information from overseas.
The inevitable collapse of Mussolini in 1943 had all the hallmarks of Fascism's ultimate effect on Italy - a populace who didn't want war, a ruling elite looking for a way out without disturbing their lives, and a Duce who was tired and cynical. In some senses it was a velvet revolution as no one was "liquidated", and Mussolini headed off to an internal exile.
This didn't suit the Germans at all, so they flew in and whisked Mussolini away to become the puppet ruler of the bit of Italy the allies didn't control. His heart wasn't in it, and this led to the Salo Republic being much more viciously Fascist, in the German sense, than the earlier regime ever was.
What Bosworth shows well is the eternal cynicism of the Italian populace. With a history of well over a thousand years of dealing with more-or-less dictatorial regimes, they were past masters at doing enough to get by and keep out of trouble, of working the system to their advantage, and hopping off the bandwagon when the time was ripe. This book in many ways is a history of the Italian people as much as it is of Fascism, showing as it does the regional differences, the divided loyalties and the networks that flowed strongly under the surface.
And my recommendation of this book is as an insight into Italy than specifically as a history of Fascism - although as an insight into how the ideology began, continued and stuttered, and how the roots of its eventual failure were embedded in its beginnings, there is much here of interest.
Check out my other reviews at http://aviewoverthebell.blogspot.com.au/
Be that as it may, the book under review is a fascinating and enlightening approach to the history of Fascist Italy. It is not a book for someone clueless about that period in that country - I thought I knew a fair bit about the subject, but still found myself occasionally referring to other texts while I was reading this book. That is because this is not a standard narrative history, but one historian's view of events as they related to the "average person" who was living through these events. Bosworth has skillfully used records from the Italian secret police archives to flesh out the social and political issues of the day.
The problem Fascism had throughout it's time in Italy was two-fold....they weren't sure what they stood for, and they failed to impose themselves into the strong and ancient fabric of Italian society.
Those of us who live in the "ancient" democracies, such as the USA, Britain and Australia, can have a tendency to forget that democracy in other places can have shallow roots. Italy was one of those places - as a country Italy was barely 50 years old at the beginning of the First World War. The Italian society and polity were not prepared for the slaughter that came to them at battles such as Caporetto, and the Liberal government's decision to enter the war for essentially shallow reasons of territorial greed left them bereft in the nation's eyes when the gains did not come. The war had instilled in those who served a sense that the Italian state could be much more than it currently was, if only the current system disappeared.
And so began the early post-war years, when ex-servicemen joined together in fasces, which varied from what were basically armed gangs to groups of people who wished to change the direction of politics. This idea that the original Fascists were a mixture of thugs and pseudo-intellectuals is in Bosworth's eyes more-or-less accurate, and the birth of Fascism as knowing what it was against, but not necessarily what it was for, led to the path of demagoguery and corruption.
Mussolini emerged as the Duce, but as dictators go, he seemed to have a fair sense that he was not fully in control of things in Italy. He was right. Many of the Fascist fellow-travellers started to fill their own pockets, and those of their connections, once power was in their grasp. The concept of raccomandazione - or seeking favour with those in power via your connexions or through sycophancy - was in Italy as old as the Roman Empire, and, despite early attempts by the Fascists to eradicate it, became firmly entrenched in Fascist life.
The one thing that the populace might have hoped to gain from Fascism was a better standard of living. The shambolic nature of the system meant that even this did not happen - the poor remained poor (and got poorer), the rich came to their accommodations with the regime (as the regime did with them), and life went on pretty much as usual; although there were more parades, and you could shop someone to the secret police at any time (although raccomandazione used well could get a sentence reduced or even quashed).
The problem of what Fascism stood for gnawed at the regime as well - the corporatist nature of Fascism as we understand it now developed slowly in Italy - the "socialist" word was used south as well as north of the Alps - although the anti Bolshevik nature of the movement existed from the beginning. The one thing Fascism needed was to be seen to be continually moving forward - owing to its corruption and lack of ability that couldn't happen on the Peninsula, so the regime started to push its colonial and war-like nature. All the colonial adventures gave the regime in reality was denegration from the rest of the World, more corruption, and additional drains on the already extended national exchequer. In the minds of those that mattered, unfortunately, it made them think they were stronger than they in fact were - which led to the disastrous decision to enter the Second World War.
The under-prepared and ill-equipped Italian armed forces became easy prey for the Allies (including Greece), and the War showed the shallow roots that Fascism had propagated in Italian society. Led by Nazi Germany (once they had committed to the Axis, Italy had little say in overall strategy), Italy declared war on the United States: given the strong connexions between Italy and that country, the (rather poorly planned) propaganda now lost all reality to the people, who had their own sources of information from overseas.
The inevitable collapse of Mussolini in 1943 had all the hallmarks of Fascism's ultimate effect on Italy - a populace who didn't want war, a ruling elite looking for a way out without disturbing their lives, and a Duce who was tired and cynical. In some senses it was a velvet revolution as no one was "liquidated", and Mussolini headed off to an internal exile.
This didn't suit the Germans at all, so they flew in and whisked Mussolini away to become the puppet ruler of the bit of Italy the allies didn't control. His heart wasn't in it, and this led to the Salo Republic being much more viciously Fascist, in the German sense, than the earlier regime ever was.
What Bosworth shows well is the eternal cynicism of the Italian populace. With a history of well over a thousand years of dealing with more-or-less dictatorial regimes, they were past masters at doing enough to get by and keep out of trouble, of working the system to their advantage, and hopping off the bandwagon when the time was ripe. This book in many ways is a history of the Italian people as much as it is of Fascism, showing as it does the regional differences, the divided loyalties and the networks that flowed strongly under the surface.
And my recommendation of this book is as an insight into Italy than specifically as a history of Fascism - although as an insight into how the ideology began, continued and stuttered, and how the roots of its eventual failure were embedded in its beginnings, there is much here of interest.
Check out my other reviews at http://aviewoverthebell.blogspot.com.au/
October 24, 2019
R.J.B. Bosworth's Mussolini's Italy offers a sweeping sociopolitical look at Europe's first fascist state. Bosworth examines the trends and currents in modern Italy that laid the groundwork for its slide to fascism: a chauvinist nationalism undimmed since the Risorgimento, along with a desire (even a psychological need) to find a place among the world's powers; a precarious democracy easily undercut by extremist politics, regional cleavages and reactionary distrust; the ghastly experience of World War I, which Italy entered for no good reason, suffered incredibly and gained almost nothing despite picking the winning side. Enter Benito Mussolini, a one-time socialist who sweeps aside paltry opposition, co-opts Italy's conservative, anti-republican institutions and turns them into a one-party state. Seizing power was easier than holding it; unlike Hitler or Stalin, Mussolini never felt entirely comfortable imposing himself on Italy, preferring compromise and propaganda to brute force, while never really articulating a national program beyond a vague sense of racial destiny. Bosworth's book is instructive in showing how indifferent many Italians were to Mussolini's regime; he also shows that, despite its reputation as Germany's benign, bungling partner in WWII, Italy committed more than its share of brutalities; hundreds of thousands perished in its colonial wars in Africa and a comparable number during its wartime occupation of the Balkans. The picture of Fascist Italy that emerges is complex: intermittently savage but erratically effective, unable to truly transform Italy's society and people while leaving its politics indelibly stained. A fascinating portrait of an overlooked dictatorship.
December 25, 2012
Contrary to that which goodreads forces me to say in order to share commentary on this book on Facebook , I cannot "highly recommend" it. The author has a very convoluted style lacking in succinctness and clarity. While the historical events depicted are of interest, the difficulty in slogging through the author's discombobulated narrative hinders its overall effectiveness upon the reader. Surely there must be better written accounts of this important story of human existence during the last century. While not altogether completely disappointed at having read this particular volume, again, I cannot in all good consciousness "highly recommend" it, as goodreads' s Facebook 'share' feature requires.
May 15, 2016
An interesting view on what led to the rise of fascist Italy.
I've always felt that compared to what i read about Nazi Germany and what lives of ordinary people were like during that time in Germany, I really don't know much about fascist Italy, nor have i come across as many books or films about that era in Italy. I also couldn't wrap my head around how Italy, compared to Germany or Japan during that era, basically gets a "free pass" for WWII even though it was one of its initial aggressors (I understand they switched sides later on, but still.) Even more puzzling to me was how figures like Mussolini seems to conjure up some nostalgia in the older generation of some Italians - there is nothing of the kind of shaming that goes on if a German would speak fondly of Hitler. So much so that I saw a couple of restaurants with memorabilia depicting Mussolini and his party...)
This book is a fascinating series of anecdotes of the years leading up to WWII until its end, and gives you an overall sense of why, Italy, a country of rich history, culture and refined tastes, fell to the evil spells of fascism. (By extension, it also gives you a hint of how politicians like Berlusconi can still go strong in contemporary Italy, too.)
I enjoyed reading the book, but felt at times there were too many details and in particular, too many names of random people that are only mentioned once, never to be mentioned again. It's better to take this book as a glimpse of different lives here and there (and hence skim it), rather than see it as a comprehensive overview and analysis of that era. Nonetheless, I believe it did a good job of depicting what life was like back then.
I've always felt that compared to what i read about Nazi Germany and what lives of ordinary people were like during that time in Germany, I really don't know much about fascist Italy, nor have i come across as many books or films about that era in Italy. I also couldn't wrap my head around how Italy, compared to Germany or Japan during that era, basically gets a "free pass" for WWII even though it was one of its initial aggressors (I understand they switched sides later on, but still.) Even more puzzling to me was how figures like Mussolini seems to conjure up some nostalgia in the older generation of some Italians - there is nothing of the kind of shaming that goes on if a German would speak fondly of Hitler. So much so that I saw a couple of restaurants with memorabilia depicting Mussolini and his party...)
This book is a fascinating series of anecdotes of the years leading up to WWII until its end, and gives you an overall sense of why, Italy, a country of rich history, culture and refined tastes, fell to the evil spells of fascism. (By extension, it also gives you a hint of how politicians like Berlusconi can still go strong in contemporary Italy, too.)
I enjoyed reading the book, but felt at times there were too many details and in particular, too many names of random people that are only mentioned once, never to be mentioned again. It's better to take this book as a glimpse of different lives here and there (and hence skim it), rather than see it as a comprehensive overview and analysis of that era. Nonetheless, I believe it did a good job of depicting what life was like back then.
January 19, 2017
Well, I certainly won't recommend this one. Overly long, randomly written and above all confusing as frak. Chapters titles have seldomly something to do with the content and the author keep switching subject without much logic parapraphs after paragraphs.
Also, one needs to be already savy about fascist Italy because as a social historian work, he doesn't developp much about events and facts. They most of the time are hinted. Take Ciano's execution : several time evocated (even before the author even talked about July 1943, a tribut to his disorganisation), never fully talked about or explained or whatever. But the book shines with the multiple (very, very numerous) stories of random people or fascist apparatchiks. That's perhaps its main interest. Sadly, it also lacks a biographical index, so you end up swimming in characters forgetting who's who.
A last point : if the author didn't felt that much obligated to put his own personnal opinion every now and then (a rule of thumb for good historians), the book would also be better. Comparing Ethiopia 36 with NATO, WTF DUDE?
So, looking for a fact-like book on the Ventennio, choose another one. Looking for a book centered on characters, be they unknown or ras, this one might interest you. But you are in for a long and disorganized read.
Also, one needs to be already savy about fascist Italy because as a social historian work, he doesn't developp much about events and facts. They most of the time are hinted. Take Ciano's execution : several time evocated (even before the author even talked about July 1943, a tribut to his disorganisation), never fully talked about or explained or whatever. But the book shines with the multiple (very, very numerous) stories of random people or fascist apparatchiks. That's perhaps its main interest. Sadly, it also lacks a biographical index, so you end up swimming in characters forgetting who's who.
A last point : if the author didn't felt that much obligated to put his own personnal opinion every now and then (a rule of thumb for good historians), the book would also be better. Comparing Ethiopia 36 with NATO, WTF DUDE?
So, looking for a fact-like book on the Ventennio, choose another one. Looking for a book centered on characters, be they unknown or ras, this one might interest you. But you are in for a long and disorganized read.
Want to read
March 5, 2010125 pages into it and still not engaged. I am interested in this time period, but the author's presentation leaves much to be desired. Shelved.
May 2, 2021
This tome is full of information about the early days of Fascist Italy until its end. The book hits on all aspects of Italian society under power of the Mussolini regime. This book is well-researched and comes from a reputable and respected historian. Great book.
July 1, 2021
A long read, but worth it. Don’t be put off by the *horrible* Kindle formatting if you are reading it that way. A few random thoughts on finishing it.
1) Nationalism, like lead, has no safe minimum amount. The nationalism that pre-WWI liberalism adopted was steamrolled into the post-war nationalism that powered Fascism. There is not a politically viable way to message “this amount of nationalism is good, but any more would be bad.”
2) Italian Fascism never “succeeded” to the point where defascistization would have been seen to be essential. Violent, arbitrary, authoritarian, of course, but German Nazism, and to a lesser extent, Japanese Imperialism, sucked all the air out of the efforts to break with with the Fascist past because in comparison, it wasn’t as horrible. The legacy of that failure survives to this day.
3) Beware paramilitarism. Fascism did succeed on one level, which was “squadrism” and the mobilization of organized extra-state violence to pursue political ends. You now see it everywhere authoritarian movements are afoot, including in the US right now (see Keepers, Oath).
4) Some of the facts of daily life are stubborn things and resist change. This doesn’t mean that radical ideologies must fail, but that there will always be a separation between theory and practice. Fascism’s refusal to take this seriously is partly responsible for its eventual collaspe. But this doesn’t mean you can simply dismiss similar movements and hope that social inertia is enough.
5) It is worth engaging in a bit of alternative history and ask what would have happened had WWII not? Left to its own devices, would Fascism have survived (plausible) and what would it have turned into?
1) Nationalism, like lead, has no safe minimum amount. The nationalism that pre-WWI liberalism adopted was steamrolled into the post-war nationalism that powered Fascism. There is not a politically viable way to message “this amount of nationalism is good, but any more would be bad.”
2) Italian Fascism never “succeeded” to the point where defascistization would have been seen to be essential. Violent, arbitrary, authoritarian, of course, but German Nazism, and to a lesser extent, Japanese Imperialism, sucked all the air out of the efforts to break with with the Fascist past because in comparison, it wasn’t as horrible. The legacy of that failure survives to this day.
3) Beware paramilitarism. Fascism did succeed on one level, which was “squadrism” and the mobilization of organized extra-state violence to pursue political ends. You now see it everywhere authoritarian movements are afoot, including in the US right now (see Keepers, Oath).
4) Some of the facts of daily life are stubborn things and resist change. This doesn’t mean that radical ideologies must fail, but that there will always be a separation between theory and practice. Fascism’s refusal to take this seriously is partly responsible for its eventual collaspe. But this doesn’t mean you can simply dismiss similar movements and hope that social inertia is enough.
5) It is worth engaging in a bit of alternative history and ask what would have happened had WWII not? Left to its own devices, would Fascism have survived (plausible) and what would it have turned into?
May 24, 2024
Fascinating look into the material circumstances and local cultures of Italy from 1915-1945. Although it suffers from some inconsistency in the way it tends to switch from compelling narrative to broad overview, to seeming non sequitur which could've been summarized. The end result is a book where some chapters capture your entire interest while others you will skim. I was particularly disappointed with how briefly the Italian Social Republic was discussed, with only about 20 pages dedicated to it.
March 14, 2012
R.J.B. Bosworth wrote a great biography of Mussolini, and I was looking forward to this book as a companion volume of what life was like for ordinary Italians under fascism. The problem with this book is that it was written almost as a response to a review of his earlier biography, and it has the half-finished feel of a book written on a dare.
Bosworth is a crisp and clever writer, and he has scoured the regional archives in Italy to get a sense of what life was like for both the "squadrist" fascist activists, and for the common people living under an authoritarian regime. Unfortunately, the book feels more like a collection of stories than a unified whole. I'm glad Bosworth gave us some cultural observations that operated outside a strict historical narrative, but they ended up making the book feel more fragmented as a result.
Where the book hits its stride is in its description of the war years, and particularly of the scary period of the "Salo Republic" of 1943-45, when the Germans occupied most of the country and Mussolini was reduced to a mere puppet. Bosworth describes the little-known terrorism of both Germans and Italians in northern Italy. In the final chapter of the book, he ties the last days of the fascists to the rise of the MSI Party, the modernization of fascism under Gianfranco Fini, and the way Silvio Berlusconi took on the mantle of fascism in the 21st century. This section alone makes the book indispensable, despite its fragmentary feel.
Bosworth is a crisp and clever writer, and he has scoured the regional archives in Italy to get a sense of what life was like for both the "squadrist" fascist activists, and for the common people living under an authoritarian regime. Unfortunately, the book feels more like a collection of stories than a unified whole. I'm glad Bosworth gave us some cultural observations that operated outside a strict historical narrative, but they ended up making the book feel more fragmented as a result.
Where the book hits its stride is in its description of the war years, and particularly of the scary period of the "Salo Republic" of 1943-45, when the Germans occupied most of the country and Mussolini was reduced to a mere puppet. Bosworth describes the little-known terrorism of both Germans and Italians in northern Italy. In the final chapter of the book, he ties the last days of the fascists to the rise of the MSI Party, the modernization of fascism under Gianfranco Fini, and the way Silvio Berlusconi took on the mantle of fascism in the 21st century. This section alone makes the book indispensable, despite its fragmentary feel.
April 22, 2011
This book is so poorly written, that one needs a shovel to read it. If B. can take a page to say what should be handled in a sentence, he'll do it. Worse, the writing is so poorly organized on a paragraph by paragraph basis that you can tell that he plunked this out lounging at a computer. I keep wanting to scream (as I do at my students): "Outline! Outline! Outline!!!"
Plus the material, fascist society, is already incredibly boring - even on its own. Better to stick with Tannenbaum. He's also dry as an autumn leaf -- but at least he's concise.
Plus the material, fascist society, is already incredibly boring - even on its own. Better to stick with Tannenbaum. He's also dry as an autumn leaf -- but at least he's concise.
March 25, 2015
بنیتو آمیلکاره آندرهآ موسولینی در 29 ژوئیهی 1883 در دوویا دی پرداپیوی ایتالیا متولد شد. او در خانوادهای فقیر به دنیا آمد. پدر وی، الساندرو موسولینی آهنگر بود. الساندرو یکی از فعالان آنارشیست بود. مادرش، رزا موسولینی (نی مالتونی) آموزگار مدرسهی ابتدایی بود. موسولینی کودکی با هوش بود. با چنان پیشینهی محقرانهای جای تعجب است که او چگونه توانست به قدرتمندترین مرد ایتالیا تبدیل گردد. باید به عقب برگردیم و برخی از روی دادهای مهم زندگی این رهبر بزرگ را توصیف کنیم.
زندگی موسولینی
موسولینی با وجود هوش بالا دارای خلق و خوی تند وخشن و خود خواهی بسیار بود. او یک دانش آموز ضعیف در مدرسه بود و به همین علت از مدرسه اخراج شد. پس از آن، به یک مدرسهی شبانه روزی در فانزای ایتالیا فرستاده شد که مجدداً از آن جا نیز اخراج شد، اما این بار به علت چاقو زدن به هم کلاسی خود. پس از اخذ مدرک دیپلم از یک مدرسهی جدید، مدت کوتاهی به عنوان آموزگار جای گزین به انجام وظیفه پرداخت.
"تا زمانی که دوس زندگی میکند، میتوان مطمئن بود که ایتالیا برای رسیدن به اهداف امپریالیستی خود از هر فرصتی استفاده میکند." – آدولف هیتلر، اواخر نوامبر 1939
«وظیفهی موسولینی به عنوان یک روزنامه نگار»
در سال 1902، او برای گریختن از خدمت سربازی به سوئیس رفت. و در آن جا بود که با بسیاری از سوسیالیستها هم پیمان شد. موسولینی در سال 1904 به ایتالیا بازگشت. او فعالیت خود را به عنوان روز نامه نگار در روزنامهی سوسیالیستی آوانتی "AVANTI" آغاز کرد. او به زودی به یک سوسیالیست شناخته شده در ایتالیا تبدیل شد و شروع به ترویج دیدگاههای خود برای جنگ بر علیه آلمان در جنگ جهانی اول نمود. سوسیالیست��ایی که مخالف مداخله در جنگ بودند این نظریات را نپذیرفتند. موسولینی به زودی از سوسیالیسم جدا شد و روز نامهی خود را با نام پوپولو دِ ایتالیا "Il Popolo d'Italia" راه اندازی کرد. او از طریق روز نامهی خود به حمایت خویش از جنگ ادامه داد. در نهایت، هنگامی که ایتالیا در جنگ علیه آلمان به متفقین پیوست، موسولینی به عنوان سرباز داوطلب وارد ارتش ایتالیا به نام ""Esercito شد. موسولینی به رتبهی سرجوخه ارتقا یافت، ولی در سال 1917 به علت زخمهای نارنجک مرخص شد.
«سیر در سیاست»
موسولینی در سیاست تمام وقت وارد شد و در مارس 1919 "حزب ناسیونال فاشیست" را تشکیل داد. بسیاری از جان بازان بی کار جنگ از او حمایت کردند. "سلام رومی" و "شبه نظامیهای پیراهن مشکی" توسط موسولینی برای اعضای حزب وی اتخاذ گردید. موسولینی در انتخابات مجلس به رقابت پرداخت اما موفق نشد. در 15 مارس 1921 موسولینی مجدداً در انتخابات شرکت کرد و این بار به همراه 35 فاشیست دیگر به مجلس نمایندگان ایتالیا راه یافت. او در سال 1913 یک زندگی نامهی تاریخی و سیاسی را دربارهی زندگی اصلاح طلب مذهبی چک "یان هوس" به نام "جیووانی هوس ایل وریدیکو" (یان هوس، پیامبر راستین)، منتشر کرد و طولی نکشید که به حمایت از کلیسا، کشاورزان، ارتش و صنعت علاقمند شد. بسیاری بر این عقیده بودند که راه حلهای او، مانند سازمان دهی جوانان طبقهی متوسط، کلید مشکلات آنها بود. او خواست کارگران و افکار یک دولت مرکزی قوی را برای به ارمغان آوردن نظم و قانون کنترل کند. دولت چپ گرای حاکم دستور اعتصاب عمومی ملت را صادر کرده بود. این باعث خشم موسولینی شد. وی اظهار کرد اگر دولت به اعتصاب پایان ندهد حزب فاشیست این کار را انجام میدهد. پادشاه ویتوریو امانوئل 3 (1869 – 1947)، در 29 اکتبر 1922 با موسولینی تماس گرفت و او را برای تشکیل دولت به رم دعوت کرد. موسولینی با قطار به سمت رم حرکت کرد و با استقبال هزاران نفر از حامیان پیراهن مشکی روبرو شد. او به اعتصاب پایان داد و اختیارات تمام ادارات دولتی را بر عهده گرفت. او به نظام اقتصادی ثبات بخشید و ایتالیا را از بحران اقتصادی نجات داد. مردم به زودی او را "ایل دوس" یا پیشوا خواندند. به او عنوان رسمی، "جناب بنیتو موسولینی"، رئیس دولت، رهبر فاشیسم و بنیان گذار امپراطوری اعطا شد.
موسولینی در سال 1929 به نمایندگی از دولت ایتالیا موافقت نامهی لاتران (Lateran) را با واتیکان امضا نمود. این موافقت نامه به حل و فصل اختلافات تاریخی بین دولت ایتالیا و کلیسای کاتولیک رم کمک کرد. پاپ پیوس یازدهم (1857 – 1939) اظهار کرد که موسولینی با "مشیت الهی" فرستاده شده است.
وقتی که موسولینی را به دلیل امتناع برای شرکت در آیین عشای ربانی صبحگاهی با زور آوردند بی خدایی او بر سر زبانها افتاد.
«آغاز دیکتاتوری او»
موسولینی از ضد امپریالیسم صلح طلبان به سمت تشکیل ناسیونالیسم تهاجمی پیش رفت. بمباران کورفو توسط او در سال 1923 اولین نمونه از تغییر او در زمینهی سیاست خارجی است. او به زودی یک رژیم دست نشانده را در آلبانی راه اندازی کرد. او از سال 1912 لیبی، مستعمرهای در آفریقای شمالی را مجدداً تصرف کرد. او رؤیای یک امپراطوری با شکوه را در رم و ساخت دریای مدیترانه 'mare nostrum' به معنی دریای ما را در سر میپروراند. یک پایگاه دریایی بزرگ در جزیرهی ایتالیایی لِروس 'Leros' تأسیس شد. این پایگاه به عنوان یک انبار استراتژیک در شرق مدیترانه در نظر گرفته میشد.
تا سال 1930، سیستم پارلمانی عملاً موجودیت خود را از دست داد و موسولینی به عنوان یک دیکتاتور زمام امور را به دست گرفت. تمام معلمین مدرسه و اساتید دانشگاه به اجبار سوگند خوردند تا از رژیم فاشیس�� دفاع کنند. موسولینی سر دبیران روز نامه را دست چین کرد. روز نامه نگاری تنها میتوانست توسط کسانی انجام شود که گواهی تأیید از حزب فاشیست دریافت میکردند.
موسولینی در سال 1935 – 1936 در جنگ علیه اتیوپی به پیروزی رسید. او قویاً با اعتراض جامعهی ملل روبرو شد که وی را وادار ساخت تا با آلمان نازی متحد شود. اودر جنگ داخلی اسپانیا فعالانه از ژنرال فرانسیسکو فرانکو حمایت کرد. این جنگ به امیدهای سازش بین فرانسه و انگلستان پایان داد. در نتیجه، موسولینی در سال 1938 الحاق اتریش به آلمان و در سال 1939 تجزیهی چکسلواکی را پذیرفت. در سپتامبر سال 1939، در کنفرانس مونیخ، او در حالی که م��سک اعتدال را بر چهره زده بود و برای صلح اروپا فعالیت میکرد به آلمان نازی کمک میکرد تا کنترل ایستگاه زودتنلند را به دست گیرد.
موسولینی در نوامبر سال 1936 با توجه به این که ملل اروپایی به زودی بر محور ایتالیا و آلمان استوار خواهند بود واژهی "متحدین" را ساخت. این عهد نامه در 25 اکتبر سال 1936 امضا شد. این اتحاد سیاسی در مه سال 1939 قویتر شد و سپس موسولینی معاهدهای به نام "پیمان پولادین" را با آلمان نازی امضا کرد. دخالت آلمان در سیاستهای ایتالیا به مذاق شهروندان ایتالیایی خوش نیامد. پادشاه ویکتور امانوئل سوم نیز آن را غیر قابل قبول دانسته و از متفقان قدیمی در انگلستان و فرانسه حمایت کرد.
سقوط موسولینی
«همکاری با هیتلر»
نزدیک پایان سال 1930، موسولینی کم کم حمایت طرف داران خود را از دست داد. با نزدیک شدن جنگ جهانی دوم او افراد خود را بر خلاف میل آنها به جنگ وادار کرد. اگر چ�� او به مدت 15 سال آماده باش نظامی را آموزش داد، اما هنگامی که هیتلر به لهستان حمله کرد ارتش او کاملاً آماده نبودند. موسولینی پس از سقوط فرانسه با این تصور که جنگ بیش از چند هفته طول نمیکشد اعلام جنگ کرد. با نمایش ضعیف نظامی در حمله به یونان در ماه اکتبر او هیچ چارهای جز تبعیت از هیتلر نداشت. موسولینی از اعلام جنگ هیتلر با روسیه در ژوئن 1941 و ایالات متحدهی آمریکا در دسامبر 1941 حمایت کرد. با این حال، موسولینی تنها درسی را که از جنگ جهانی اول گرفته بود نا دیده گرفت و درس این بود که ایالات متحدهی آمریکا به تنهایی پیامد آن جنگ را رقم زده بود. ایالات متحدهی آمریکا ابر قدرت بود نه آلمان.
"ستارهی من سقوط کرده است. دیگر هیچ انگیزهی مبارزهای در من باقی نمانده است. من کار و تلاش میکنم، در حالی که میدانم تمام اینها یک نمایش مضحک است. . . من چشم به پایان این تراژدی دوختهام و به طرز عجیبی از همه چیز فاصله گرفتهام، از بازیگری هیچ نمیدانم. احساس میکنم من آخرین تماشاگر هستم". – موسولینی در مصاحبهی 1945 ایتالیا در تمام جبههها متحمل شکست شد و به دنبال ورود انگلستان و آمریکا به ساحل سیسیل، بسیاری از دست یاران موسولینی در نشست شورای بزرگ فاشیست در 25 ژوئیهی 1943 به مخالفت با او برخاستند. و این مخالفت فرصتی را در اختیار پادشاه قرار داد تا دستور برکناری و دست گیری موسولینی را ص��در کند. پادشاه ویکتور امانوئل سوم فیلد مارشال پیدرو بادگلیو را به عنوان نخست وزیر جدید ایتالیا منصوب کرد. چند ماه بعد موسولینی توسط آلمانیها از یک اقامتگاه در بالای کوه جایی که در آن زندانی بود آزاد شد. او به شمال ایتالیا نقل مکان کرد و در آن جا کوشید تا یک دولت فاشیست جدید را ایجاد کند. او به عنوان یک بازیچه در دستهای آلمان باقی ماند. موسولینی تحت فشارهای هیتلر و چند فاشیست وفا دار که دولت جمهوری سالو را تشکیل دادند تسلیم شد و نقشهی اعدام کسانی را که به او خیانت کرده بودند کشید. او به عنوان رئیس دولت و وزیر امور خارجه برای جمهوری اجتماعی ایتالیا انتخاب شد. این بخش از شمال ایتالیا تحت کنترل آلمان بود. در طول این مدت او خاطرات بسیاری نوشت. روزنامهی دا کاپو (Da Capo) زندگی نامهی شخصی و خاطرات او را با عنوان "صعود و سقوط من" تلفیق و منتشر کرد.
اجساد بیجان موسولینی و فاشیستهای دیگر به صورت وارونه از سقف ایستگاه پمپ بنزین آویزان و از پایین توسط مردم شهر سنگ باران شدند.
«آخرین روزهای موسولینی»
بنیتو موسولینی و معشوقهاش کلارا پتاچی در 27 آوریل 1945 توسط پلیس ایتالیا دستگیر شدند. آنها در نزدیکی روستای دونگو بازداشت شدند. آنها سعی داشتند به منظور فرار به اسپانیا سوار با هواپیمایی به سوئیس بروند. موسولینی با ارتش فراری آلمان مسافرت میکرد. او سعی کرد با پوشیدن یک لباس نظامی آلمانی فرار کند. پس از چندین تلاش نا موفق آنها به کومو رسیدند. آنها در نهایت به مزگرا برده شدند جایی که آخرین شب خود را با خانوادهی دی ماریا سپری کردند.
موسولینی و پتاچی روز بعد به روستای جیولینو دی مزگرا برده شده و در آن جا به ضرب گلوله کشته شدند. کمیتهی آزادی بخش ملی به کلونل والریو دستور داد تا حکم را اجرا کند. نام واقعی کلونل والریو والتر اُدیسیو بود. او موسولینی، پتاچی و فاشیستهای دیگر را درکامیونهایی جا به جا کرد. آنها به یک مکان خالی برده شدند و در آنجا پتاچی موسولینی را در آغوش گرفت و مانع از رفتن او شد. پتاچی تیر خورد و هنگامی که بدن شل و بی جان او بر روی زمین افتاد موسولینی پیراهن خود را باز کرده و فریاد زد، "تیر را به سینهی من شلیک کنید!" و اُدیسیو تیر را به سمت سینهی او نشانه رفت. موسولینی افتاد، اما نمرد. اُدیسیو به موسولینی که به سختی نفس میکشید نزدیک شد و گلولهی دیگری را در سینهی او خالی کرد. اجساد بی جان آنها روز بعد برای مشاهدهی عموم به صورت وارونه آویزان شد.
"جناب پیشوا شما در نهایت با ما هستید. ما شما را با گلهای سرخ میپوشانیم، اما رایحهی خوبی شما بر رایحهی گلهای سرخ غلبه میکند." – نئو فاشیستها سال 1946.
«ایتالیا پس از موسولینی»
دونا ریشل موسولینی، همسر موسولینی، و پسران آنها: ویتوریو و رومانو و دخترشان ادا جان سالم به در بردند. پسر سوم موسولینی به نام برونو در سال 1941 در یک سانحهی هوایی کشته شد. موسولینی دو روز پیش از دست زدن هیتلر به خود کشی کشته شد. پس از جنگ جهانی دوم ایتالیا مستعمرات خود یعنی اتیوپی، سومالی و لیبی را از دست داد. بین احزاب سیاسی شکافی وجود داشت که منجر به جنگ داخلی از سال 1943 تا 1945 شد. در سال 1946 حکومت سلطنتی پایان یافت و اولین انتخابات سیاسی در سال 1948 برگزار شد. حکومت جمهوری به پیروزی رسید و Democrazia Cristiana ، حزب دموکرات ایتالیا قدرت را برای 50 سال آینده در دست گرفت.
موسولینی در آغاز جنگ جهانی اول با جنگ مخالف بود. در طول جنگ تغییرات بنیادی در دیدگاههای او به وجود آمد. این تغییرات احتمالاً به دلیل نفوذ ناسیونالیسم پدر وی ایجاد شد. موسولینی دعوت میهن خویش را در زمان نیاز اجابت کرد. او کوشید تا یک امپراطوری ایتالیایی را ایجاد کند که برترین قدرت در جهان قلم داد گردد. موسولینی رهبری بزرگ بود که قدرت مطلق او را مست کرد و منجر به سقوط وی شد و به رؤیاهای او دربارهی یک ایتالیای سلطنتی پایان داد.
زندگی موسولینی
موسولینی با وجود هوش بالا دارای خلق و خوی تند وخشن و خود خواهی بسیار بود. او یک دانش آموز ضعیف در مدرسه بود و به همین علت از مدرسه اخراج شد. پس از آن، به یک مدرسهی شبانه روزی در فانزای ایتالیا فرستاده شد که مجدداً از آن جا نیز اخراج شد، اما این بار به علت چاقو زدن به هم کلاسی خود. پس از اخذ مدرک دیپلم از یک مدرسهی جدید، مدت کوتاهی به عنوان آموزگار جای گزین به انجام وظیفه پرداخت.
"تا زمانی که دوس زندگی میکند، میتوان مطمئن بود که ایتالیا برای رسیدن به اهداف امپریالیستی خود از هر فرصتی استفاده میکند." – آدولف هیتلر، اواخر نوامبر 1939
«وظیفهی موسولینی به عنوان یک روزنامه نگار»
در سال 1902، او برای گریختن از خدمت سربازی به سوئیس رفت. و در آن جا بود که با بسیاری از سوسیالیستها هم پیمان شد. موسولینی در سال 1904 به ایتالیا بازگشت. او فعالیت خود را به عنوان روز نامه نگار در روزنامهی سوسیالیستی آوانتی "AVANTI" آغاز کرد. او به زودی به یک سوسیالیست شناخته شده در ایتالیا تبدیل شد و شروع به ترویج دیدگاههای خود برای جنگ بر علیه آلمان در جنگ جهانی اول نمود. سوسیالیست��ایی که مخالف مداخله در جنگ بودند این نظریات را نپذیرفتند. موسولینی به زودی از سوسیالیسم جدا شد و روز نامهی خود را با نام پوپولو دِ ایتالیا "Il Popolo d'Italia" راه اندازی کرد. او از طریق روز نامهی خود به حمایت خویش از جنگ ادامه داد. در نهایت، هنگامی که ایتالیا در جنگ علیه آلمان به متفقین پیوست، موسولینی به عنوان سرباز داوطلب وارد ارتش ایتالیا به نام ""Esercito شد. موسولینی به رتبهی سرجوخه ارتقا یافت، ولی در سال 1917 به علت زخمهای نارنجک مرخص شد.
«سیر در سیاست»
موسولینی در سیاست تمام وقت وارد شد و در مارس 1919 "حزب ناسیونال فاشیست" را تشکیل داد. بسیاری از جان بازان بی کار جنگ از او حمایت کردند. "سلام رومی" و "شبه نظامیهای پیراهن مشکی" توسط موسولینی برای اعضای حزب وی اتخاذ گردید. موسولینی در انتخابات مجلس به رقابت پرداخت اما موفق نشد. در 15 مارس 1921 موسولینی مجدداً در انتخابات شرکت کرد و این بار به همراه 35 فاشیست دیگر به مجلس نمایندگان ایتالیا راه یافت. او در سال 1913 یک زندگی نامهی تاریخی و سیاسی را دربارهی زندگی اصلاح طلب مذهبی چک "یان هوس" به نام "جیووانی هوس ایل وریدیکو" (یان هوس، پیامبر راستین)، منتشر کرد و طولی نکشید که به حمایت از کلیسا، کشاورزان، ارتش و صنعت علاقمند شد. بسیاری بر این عقیده بودند که راه حلهای او، مانند سازمان دهی جوانان طبقهی متوسط، کلید مشکلات آنها بود. او خواست کارگران و افکار یک دولت مرکزی قوی را برای به ارمغان آوردن نظم و قانون کنترل کند. دولت چپ گرای حاکم دستور اعتصاب عمومی ملت را صادر کرده بود. این باعث خشم موسولینی شد. وی اظهار کرد اگر دولت به اعتصاب پایان ندهد حزب فاشیست این کار را انجام میدهد. پادشاه ویتوریو امانوئل 3 (1869 – 1947)، در 29 اکتبر 1922 با موسولینی تماس گرفت و او را برای تشکیل دولت به رم دعوت کرد. موسولینی با قطار به سمت رم حرکت کرد و با استقبال هزاران نفر از حامیان پیراهن مشکی روبرو شد. او به اعتصاب پایان داد و اختیارات تمام ادارات دولتی را بر عهده گرفت. او به نظام اقتصادی ثبات بخشید و ایتالیا را از بحران اقتصادی نجات داد. مردم به زودی او را "ایل دوس" یا پیشوا خواندند. به او عنوان رسمی، "جناب بنیتو موسولینی"، رئیس دولت، رهبر فاشیسم و بنیان گذار امپراطوری اعطا شد.
موسولینی در سال 1929 به نمایندگی از دولت ایتالیا موافقت نامهی لاتران (Lateran) را با واتیکان امضا نمود. این موافقت نامه به حل و فصل اختلافات تاریخی بین دولت ایتالیا و کلیسای کاتولیک رم کمک کرد. پاپ پیوس یازدهم (1857 – 1939) اظهار کرد که موسولینی با "مشیت الهی" فرستاده شده است.
وقتی که موسولینی را به دلیل امتناع برای شرکت در آیین عشای ربانی صبحگاهی با زور آوردند بی خدایی او بر سر زبانها افتاد.
«آغاز دیکتاتوری او»
موسولینی از ضد امپریالیسم صلح طلبان به سمت تشکیل ناسیونالیسم تهاجمی پیش رفت. بمباران کورفو توسط او در سال 1923 اولین نمونه از تغییر او در زمینهی سیاست خارجی است. او به زودی یک رژیم دست نشانده را در آلبانی راه اندازی کرد. او از سال 1912 لیبی، مستعمرهای در آفریقای شمالی را مجدداً تصرف کرد. او رؤیای یک امپراطوری با شکوه را در رم و ساخت دریای مدیترانه 'mare nostrum' به معنی دریای ما را در سر میپروراند. یک پایگاه دریایی بزرگ در جزیرهی ایتالیایی لِروس 'Leros' تأسیس شد. این پایگاه به عنوان یک انبار استراتژیک در شرق مدیترانه در نظر گرفته میشد.
تا سال 1930، سیستم پارلمانی عملاً موجودیت خود را از دست داد و موسولینی به عنوان یک دیکتاتور زمام امور را به دست گرفت. تمام معلمین مدرسه و اساتید دانشگاه به اجبار سوگند خوردند تا از رژیم فاشیس�� دفاع کنند. موسولینی سر دبیران روز نامه را دست چین کرد. روز نامه نگاری تنها میتوانست توسط کسانی انجام شود که گواهی تأیید از حزب فاشیست دریافت میکردند.
موسولینی در سال 1935 – 1936 در جنگ علیه اتیوپی به پیروزی رسید. او قویاً با اعتراض جامعهی ملل روبرو شد که وی را وادار ساخت تا با آلمان نازی متحد شود. اودر جنگ داخلی اسپانیا فعالانه از ژنرال فرانسیسکو فرانکو حمایت کرد. این جنگ به امیدهای سازش بین فرانسه و انگلستان پایان داد. در نتیجه، موسولینی در سال 1938 الحاق اتریش به آلمان و در سال 1939 تجزیهی چکسلواکی را پذیرفت. در سپتامبر سال 1939، در کنفرانس مونیخ، او در حالی که م��سک اعتدال را بر چهره زده بود و برای صلح اروپا فعالیت میکرد به آلمان نازی کمک میکرد تا کنترل ایستگاه زودتنلند را به دست گیرد.
موسولینی در نوامبر سال 1936 با توجه به این که ملل اروپایی به زودی بر محور ایتالیا و آلمان استوار خواهند بود واژهی "متحدین" را ساخت. این عهد نامه در 25 اکتبر سال 1936 امضا شد. این اتحاد سیاسی در مه سال 1939 قویتر شد و سپس موسولینی معاهدهای به نام "پیمان پولادین" را با آلمان نازی امضا کرد. دخالت آلمان در سیاستهای ایتالیا به مذاق شهروندان ایتالیایی خوش نیامد. پادشاه ویکتور امانوئل سوم نیز آن را غیر قابل قبول دانسته و از متفقان قدیمی در انگلستان و فرانسه حمایت کرد.
سقوط موسولینی
«همکاری با هیتلر»
نزدیک پایان سال 1930، موسولینی کم کم حمایت طرف داران خود را از دست داد. با نزدیک شدن جنگ جهانی دوم او افراد خود را بر خلاف میل آنها به جنگ وادار کرد. اگر چ�� او به مدت 15 سال آماده باش نظامی را آموزش داد، اما هنگامی که هیتلر به لهستان حمله کرد ارتش او کاملاً آماده نبودند. موسولینی پس از سقوط فرانسه با این تصور که جنگ بیش از چند هفته طول نمیکشد اعلام جنگ کرد. با نمایش ضعیف نظامی در حمله به یونان در ماه اکتبر او هیچ چارهای جز تبعیت از هیتلر نداشت. موسولینی از اعلام جنگ هیتلر با روسیه در ژوئن 1941 و ایالات متحدهی آمریکا در دسامبر 1941 حمایت کرد. با این حال، موسولینی تنها درسی را که از جنگ جهانی اول گرفته بود نا دیده گرفت و درس این بود که ایالات متحدهی آمریکا به تنهایی پیامد آن جنگ را رقم زده بود. ایالات متحدهی آمریکا ابر قدرت بود نه آلمان.
"ستارهی من سقوط کرده است. دیگر هیچ انگیزهی مبارزهای در من باقی نمانده است. من کار و تلاش میکنم، در حالی که میدانم تمام اینها یک نمایش مضحک است. . . من چشم به پایان این تراژدی دوختهام و به طرز عجیبی از همه چیز فاصله گرفتهام، از بازیگری هیچ نمیدانم. احساس میکنم من آخرین تماشاگر هستم". – موسولینی در مصاحبهی 1945 ایتالیا در تمام جبههها متحمل شکست شد و به دنبال ورود انگلستان و آمریکا به ساحل سیسیل، بسیاری از دست یاران موسولینی در نشست شورای بزرگ فاشیست در 25 ژوئیهی 1943 به مخالفت با او برخاستند. و این مخالفت فرصتی را در اختیار پادشاه قرار داد تا دستور برکناری و دست گیری موسولینی را ص��در کند. پادشاه ویکتور امانوئل سوم فیلد مارشال پیدرو بادگلیو را به عنوان نخست وزیر جدید ایتالیا منصوب کرد. چند ماه بعد موسولینی توسط آلمانیها از یک اقامتگاه در بالای کوه جایی که در آن زندانی بود آزاد شد. او به شمال ایتالیا نقل مکان کرد و در آن جا کوشید تا یک دولت فاشیست جدید را ایجاد کند. او به عنوان یک بازیچه در دستهای آلمان باقی ماند. موسولینی تحت فشارهای هیتلر و چند فاشیست وفا دار که دولت جمهوری سالو را تشکیل دادند تسلیم شد و نقشهی اعدام کسانی را که به او خیانت کرده بودند کشید. او به عنوان رئیس دولت و وزیر امور خارجه برای جمهوری اجتماعی ایتالیا انتخاب شد. این بخش از شمال ایتالیا تحت کنترل آلمان بود. در طول این مدت او خاطرات بسیاری نوشت. روزنامهی دا کاپو (Da Capo) زندگی نامهی شخصی و خاطرات او را با عنوان "صعود و سقوط من" تلفیق و منتشر کرد.
اجساد بیجان موسولینی و فاشیستهای دیگر به صورت وارونه از سقف ایستگاه پمپ بنزین آویزان و از پایین توسط مردم شهر سنگ باران شدند.
«آخرین روزهای موسولینی»
بنیتو موسولینی و معشوقهاش کلارا پتاچی در 27 آوریل 1945 توسط پلیس ایتالیا دستگیر شدند. آنها در نزدیکی روستای دونگو بازداشت شدند. آنها سعی داشتند به منظور فرار به اسپانیا سوار با هواپیمایی به سوئیس بروند. موسولینی با ارتش فراری آلمان مسافرت میکرد. او سعی کرد با پوشیدن یک لباس نظامی آلمانی فرار کند. پس از چندین تلاش نا موفق آنها به کومو رسیدند. آنها در نهایت به مزگرا برده شدند جایی که آخرین شب خود را با خانوادهی دی ماریا سپری کردند.
موسولینی و پتاچی روز بعد به روستای جیولینو دی مزگرا برده شده و در آن جا به ضرب گلوله کشته شدند. کمیتهی آزادی بخش ملی به کلونل والریو دستور داد تا حکم را اجرا کند. نام واقعی کلونل والریو والتر اُدیسیو بود. او موسولینی، پتاچی و فاشیستهای دیگر را درکامیونهایی جا به جا کرد. آنها به یک مکان خالی برده شدند و در آنجا پتاچی موسولینی را در آغوش گرفت و مانع از رفتن او شد. پتاچی تیر خورد و هنگامی که بدن شل و بی جان او بر روی زمین افتاد موسولینی پیراهن خود را باز کرده و فریاد زد، "تیر را به سینهی من شلیک کنید!" و اُدیسیو تیر را به سمت سینهی او نشانه رفت. موسولینی افتاد، اما نمرد. اُدیسیو به موسولینی که به سختی نفس میکشید نزدیک شد و گلولهی دیگری را در سینهی او خالی کرد. اجساد بی جان آنها روز بعد برای مشاهدهی عموم به صورت وارونه آویزان شد.
"جناب پیشوا شما در نهایت با ما هستید. ما شما را با گلهای سرخ میپوشانیم، اما رایحهی خوبی شما بر رایحهی گلهای سرخ غلبه میکند." – نئو فاشیستها سال 1946.
«ایتالیا پس از موسولینی»
دونا ریشل موسولینی، همسر موسولینی، و پسران آنها: ویتوریو و رومانو و دخترشان ادا جان سالم به در بردند. پسر سوم موسولینی به نام برونو در سال 1941 در یک سانحهی هوایی کشته شد. موسولینی دو روز پیش از دست زدن هیتلر به خود کشی کشته شد. پس از جنگ جهانی دوم ایتالیا مستعمرات خود یعنی اتیوپی، سومالی و لیبی را از دست داد. بین احزاب سیاسی شکافی وجود داشت که منجر به جنگ داخلی از سال 1943 تا 1945 شد. در سال 1946 حکومت سلطنتی پایان یافت و اولین انتخابات سیاسی در سال 1948 برگزار شد. حکومت جمهوری به پیروزی رسید و Democrazia Cristiana ، حزب دموکرات ایتالیا قدرت را برای 50 سال آینده در دست گرفت.
موسولینی در آغاز جنگ جهانی اول با جنگ مخالف بود. در طول جنگ تغییرات بنیادی در دیدگاههای او به وجود آمد. این تغییرات احتمالاً به دلیل نفوذ ناسیونالیسم پدر وی ایجاد شد. موسولینی دعوت میهن خویش را در زمان نیاز اجابت کرد. او کوشید تا یک امپراطوری ایتالیایی را ایجاد کند که برترین قدرت در جهان قلم داد گردد. موسولینی رهبری بزرگ بود که قدرت مطلق او را مست کرد و منجر به سقوط وی شد و به رؤیاهای او دربارهی یک ایتالیای سلطنتی پایان داد.
July 25, 2023
A lot of research must have gone into this book. The author is well-informed and takes a neutral stance without giving glory to any figure or event. Those were the author’s intentions and he seemingly accomplished it. He let the facts speak for themselves. A lot of myths, misconceptions, and narratives commonly held by many, including myself, were dispelled by a reality more pathetic. It is a dense text. I rarely could exceed twelve pages in one sitting. I usually had to take a day or more to process all that I read. Though I took breaks to process, I could recall all that I read. Over time as I progress through the book, some information solidified into main ideas while others remained specific pieces of information. In other words, I started forming a historical view or mindset. That was my main purpose for reading the book. I wanted to understand the mindsets of Italians at the time no matter their political affiliations. Not all Italians were fascists, but all were affected to some degree. This book took a while to conquer, but now I have a good grasp on the subject to understand characters, social climates, and events I am writing for a historical fiction novel. In addition, as someone who is half Italian, it was important to face this time period. It opened up conversations with my grandpa about his father who was an Italian solider during the Second World War. I recommend this book for WW2 history enthusiasts, historical fiction novelists, Italians and Italian-Americans, and everyone else for that matter. Fascism and fascist are terms loosely thrown around nowadays. I think it’s pertinent to understand what it actually means and the reality of the movement. The origins of the movement will be surprising and not endemic to a singular part of the political spectrum. This book is a good mirror to present times as well. Anyway, I hope this inspires some interest.
November 3, 2020
There's a lot of information and a lot of good information that no doubt took a lot of digging. It's written well except for the fact that some of the stories just seem so sporadically placed - and there's a lot of people to keep up with and it just jumps from one thing to another sometimes without much of a transition. But overall, I really enjoyed this. I've made quite a few highlights that may seem strange out of context but that I'll be using to look things up for future reference.
May 14, 2023
Bosworth wrote a decent biography of Mussolini, but this insufferable tome reveals his conceited and unprofessional stance as a historian. Everything Fascism accomplished, no matter how small, is smugly dismissed and deconstructed with the confidence of a leftist academic safely insulated from the trials of statecraft and national development.
Laura Fermi and Luigi Villari provide better insight into both Mussolino and his regime.
Laura Fermi and Luigi Villari provide better insight into both Mussolino and his regime.
November 9, 2011
Bosworth in his book on Mussolini's Italy makes an effort to show how the fascist regime grew within the state and the extent to which it dominated the state. Fascism was not synonymous with Italian nationalism and Bosworth's explanations of the fascist growth lend credence to the idea that it was slow to take on. He categorizes fascism in various states and his most prevalent is the idea of a northern and southern fascism. This book also does an excellent job of showing how Mussolini's regime permeated the Italian state. The fascist ideals did meet significant resistance with the traditional liberals. The tough stance on labor and the opportunities for the church however drew many allies and allowed Mussolini to take power. One of the points lacking here is that the monarchy played a large role in his rise to power. I feel that Bosworth does not address that issue and I would like to have seen it done more.
Overall this is the best attempt we have on fascist Italy however this book could have been done better. It is incredibly ambitious and either should have been broken into two books or made one book longer. There is a lot of information that is glazed over very quickly leaving some holes in the analysis. If you want an introduction to fascist Italy this is a great place to start but I would not stop here. There are many rich ways to explore the topic and looks at Ray Mosley's Mussolini's Shadow or Dennis Mack Smith's biography of Mussolini are great additions. Understanding how the fascist regime impacted the state and the world make for interesting questions and is something anyone studying World War II should not miss.
Overall this is the best attempt we have on fascist Italy however this book could have been done better. It is incredibly ambitious and either should have been broken into two books or made one book longer. There is a lot of information that is glazed over very quickly leaving some holes in the analysis. If you want an introduction to fascist Italy this is a great place to start but I would not stop here. There are many rich ways to explore the topic and looks at Ray Mosley's Mussolini's Shadow or Dennis Mack Smith's biography of Mussolini are great additions. Understanding how the fascist regime impacted the state and the world make for interesting questions and is something anyone studying World War II should not miss.
April 3, 2010
The author has aleady written a biography of Mussolini. This book is a sociological study of life under Italian style fascism. It is not entirely succcessful but it is not without interest. Italy in 1922 saw itself as the least of the great powers but it was really a developing country that had not integrated as a whole. In much of the country the roots of the state were very shallow with loyalties of family taking precedence over all. Fascism was bombast and pretense and Italy never had the substance to back up the braggadacio. Mussolini was not a Hitler or a Stalin but that does not mean that he was not a brutal dictator along the lines say of a Pinochet. Mussolini was a precursor of Hitler. His black shirts became the brown shirts in Germany. His defiance of the League if Nations and International law was emulated by Hitler. Unfortunately, the bufoon quality of Itlay under fascism has led to a conclusion that it was harmless and to the rise of the strongest neo=fascist party in Europe in post war Italy.
October 2, 2013
Mussolini's Italy is less known than Hitler's Germany. Yet it was the model for the latter. Bosworth shows what Fascism meant as a challenge to the Liberal post-Risorgimento social order, and the continuities between the two. The author acknowledges the distance between Hitler's apocalyptic racial utopia and it's more cynical mainly symbolic Italian sister, but he refuses to exculpate the Italians from the crimes of Fascism. A very interesting read.
August 17, 2010
Very thorough and well researched, however, the author's prose is very dry and it is difficult to absorb his main messages. The chapters tend to jump around in describing events, but the author doesn't really lay out a road map to what he is trying to cover. Overall, informative - but with a heavy cost in time and effort for the reader.
March 1, 2017
This was a beast of a book but I liked it. Took me a full month to read. I agree with other reviewers who said you could easily get lost in the sea of names. I would not recommend this to someone without any prior background knowledge about fascist Italy. Dense with detail.
Want to read
March 7, 2011LOTS of detail. I have to read this slowly to digest all of it. Like others, someday I'll finish it. I'm two thirds of the way through or so.
June 23, 2016
Disorganized and limp. As another reviewer commented, it reads like an endless stack of loosely associated notecards.
June 20, 2023
Bosworth gives a thorough and detailed account of the rise and fall of Fascism as a style of governance under Benito Mussolini. He accounts for all the prevarications, inconsistencies, corruption, incompetency, disorganization, infighting among local factions and party bosses typified during the regime. I came away with a greater understanding of the link between Hitler's Germany and Mussolini's determination and highly nationalistic ambitions. Duce wanted to elevate Italy and Italianism to be a major player on the European scene, but he wanted Germany to arm his military. In fact, he was a puppet of Germany, who just wanted to use Italy to keep the Allies from liberating the coveted Balkans.
As a descendent of Italian-American immigrants from Foggia, I was hoping for a closer look at how Mussolini's regime affected everyday Italian citizens. However, the book provide little more than occasional glimpses of how Fascism's policies (which were in constant flux and unevenly applied) affected peasants and workers under Mussolini's rule. The economy suffered greatly (and it had started out in dire straits). Chapters mention poverty, hardship, shortages of staples, inflation, food rationing, and a black market economy. Wide gaps between the "haves" (landowners, bureaucrats, and industrial leaders) and "have nots." ("Everyone who mattered had been some sort of fascist.") The author gives the impression that peasants and workers (most notably in the South) were cynical, indifferent, resigned, or even unaware of domestic political and foreign aggression. Those who were indifferent were considered traitors.
The writing style is very cumbersome: Dense paragraphs composed of long, labyrinthian complex sentences with many appositive and parenthetical statements within statements. So following the author's train of though is challenging, even for the educated. I've read other works on history and social issues that more effectively convey information without "dumbing it down."
For readers who may not already be deeply schooled in the ideology and implementation of Fascism, laying out the basic tenets in advance would have been a huge help in following the text. So I slogged through, doing much independent internet research as I went along.
As a descendent of Italian-American immigrants from Foggia, I was hoping for a closer look at how Mussolini's regime affected everyday Italian citizens. However, the book provide little more than occasional glimpses of how Fascism's policies (which were in constant flux and unevenly applied) affected peasants and workers under Mussolini's rule. The economy suffered greatly (and it had started out in dire straits). Chapters mention poverty, hardship, shortages of staples, inflation, food rationing, and a black market economy. Wide gaps between the "haves" (landowners, bureaucrats, and industrial leaders) and "have nots." ("Everyone who mattered had been some sort of fascist.") The author gives the impression that peasants and workers (most notably in the South) were cynical, indifferent, resigned, or even unaware of domestic political and foreign aggression. Those who were indifferent were considered traitors.
The writing style is very cumbersome: Dense paragraphs composed of long, labyrinthian complex sentences with many appositive and parenthetical statements within statements. So following the author's train of though is challenging, even for the educated. I've read other works on history and social issues that more effectively convey information without "dumbing it down."
For readers who may not already be deeply schooled in the ideology and implementation of Fascism, laying out the basic tenets in advance would have been a huge help in following the text. So I slogged through, doing much independent internet research as I went along.
February 19, 2021
An incomparable history from one of the most fascinating of modern historians, Richard James Boon Bosworth. His Australian origin brings out the sniffingtons but is likely the reason his works outshine the cliched mainstream. In this redux of Il Duce and L'Era Fascismo. It is not an "easy read" (how I loathe that term!) but it is a lucid one, rewarding in depth, not afraid to step beyond dry academic fact into flesh and blood. Even so every i is dotted and t crossed in his notes, though this book would benefit greatly from a bibliography. (This lack, I suspect, comes from publisher cost-cutting.)
What was totalitarianism in Fascist Italy? Though Mussolini coined the phrase, it always left room for deals with the Catholic Church, the Italian monarchy, the aristocracy and the rich, the bureaucracy and the army. It was never the total state Hitler's Germany tried to be and almost became. Nor was it as bloodthirsty as modern Latin American "fledgling democracies," for all its heated rhetoric. It was, first of all, Mussolini's personal platform, resting on a national foundation dug by his Liberal predecessors. The "Fascist conquest" of Ethiopia, for instance, was no different than other European empire-building; not even consistently racist as South Africa (per "Facetta nera" on p. 368.
Mussolini's rise and fall is unsentimentally and thoughtfully scrutinized. All the leading personalities of Fascism receive their due dissection, as does the inspiration of and alliance with Hitler. Il Duce's double-dealing with the Fuehrer was of a piece with his finessing of Church and Monarchy. Ditto with his own betrayal by his Fascist Council in the middle of the war. Fascist rule over a people so cynical and mocking could not end up as anything but a parody of itself, even as it took itself seriously with blackjack and castor oil.
There is no "definitive" work on Mussolini's Italy. But Bosworth's come as close as any, and is indispensable to anyone wishing to understand this regime, its place, and time.
What was totalitarianism in Fascist Italy? Though Mussolini coined the phrase, it always left room for deals with the Catholic Church, the Italian monarchy, the aristocracy and the rich, the bureaucracy and the army. It was never the total state Hitler's Germany tried to be and almost became. Nor was it as bloodthirsty as modern Latin American "fledgling democracies," for all its heated rhetoric. It was, first of all, Mussolini's personal platform, resting on a national foundation dug by his Liberal predecessors. The "Fascist conquest" of Ethiopia, for instance, was no different than other European empire-building; not even consistently racist as South Africa (per "Facetta nera" on p. 368.
Mussolini's rise and fall is unsentimentally and thoughtfully scrutinized. All the leading personalities of Fascism receive their due dissection, as does the inspiration of and alliance with Hitler. Il Duce's double-dealing with the Fuehrer was of a piece with his finessing of Church and Monarchy. Ditto with his own betrayal by his Fascist Council in the middle of the war. Fascist rule over a people so cynical and mocking could not end up as anything but a parody of itself, even as it took itself seriously with blackjack and castor oil.
There is no "definitive" work on Mussolini's Italy. But Bosworth's come as close as any, and is indispensable to anyone wishing to understand this regime, its place, and time.
August 14, 2017
Mr. Bosworth has written a biography the way I prefer: He places the subject (Mussolini) in the context of his times. Mr. Bosworth does an excellent job of tracing the historical currents that allowed Mussolini to be Mussolini. He focuses on the currents of Italian history that shaped Mussolini's thinking and shaped Italy's reaction to Mussolini. Mr. Bosworth also does an excellent job of describing life under Mussolini for ordinary Italians.
In fairness, Mr. Bosworth in his introduction states that his previous biography of Mr. Mussolini was much more focused on the individual and he wrote this book in response to a criticism of the more conventional biography. I have not read the previous book by Mr. Bosworth, so I cannot comment on that work. Mr. Bosworth provides plenty of biographical detail about Mussolini, so I am not sure I need to read the previous work.
Mr. Bosworth does allude to the similarities between Mussolini and the Berlusconi era. I wonder how he would have compared Mussolini to Mr. Trump's administration. There were so many passages I read about border nationalism, manipulation of the press, etc. that sounded like they were from a Trump stump speech. Of course, America has not gone as far as Italy in the 30s, but who knows what one more crisis will justify in our political leaders' reactions.
All in all, a very good read for the general reader who may have some idea of Mussolini, but wants to understand him in the context of his times and our times.
In fairness, Mr. Bosworth in his introduction states that his previous biography of Mr. Mussolini was much more focused on the individual and he wrote this book in response to a criticism of the more conventional biography. I have not read the previous book by Mr. Bosworth, so I cannot comment on that work. Mr. Bosworth provides plenty of biographical detail about Mussolini, so I am not sure I need to read the previous work.
Mr. Bosworth does allude to the similarities between Mussolini and the Berlusconi era. I wonder how he would have compared Mussolini to Mr. Trump's administration. There were so many passages I read about border nationalism, manipulation of the press, etc. that sounded like they were from a Trump stump speech. Of course, America has not gone as far as Italy in the 30s, but who knows what one more crisis will justify in our political leaders' reactions.
All in all, a very good read for the general reader who may have some idea of Mussolini, but wants to understand him in the context of his times and our times.
September 9, 2021
A competent study of the rise and rule of Fascism in Italy, although with flawed analysis of Fascism itself. Bosworth makes constant reference to Stalin as a dictatorial colleague, yet argues that Stalin, unlike Mussolini, was a "weak dictator" (and therefore contradicting just about every other mention of Stalin made in the book). Bosworth compares Mussolini and his Fascism to the Ba'athism of Iraq and Syria, which is almost as laughable a comparison as it is dangerous. Bosworth cites Anthony Eden favorably as a British "gentlemen" who had the foresight to oppose Mussolini, somewhat ironic considering both men used their positions of power to overtly attack independent African nations and attempted to subvert them to imperialism.
However, Bosworth's analysis on the relation of Fascism to Post-Risorgimento liberalism and their similar networks of patronage, nepotism, and corruption; the acknowledgement of the kinship of Fascism intervention in Spain with that of modern NATO interventions, his scorching treatment of the sometimes rehabilitated Fascist coward G. Ciano, and the willingness of many Fascists to prefer Anglo-French relations over the Germans and the bourgeois origins of Fascism all provide a compotent book backed with varied sources and many examples of Life Under the Fascist Dictatorship, 1915-1945.
However, Bosworth's analysis on the relation of Fascism to Post-Risorgimento liberalism and their similar networks of patronage, nepotism, and corruption; the acknowledgement of the kinship of Fascism intervention in Spain with that of modern NATO interventions, his scorching treatment of the sometimes rehabilitated Fascist coward G. Ciano, and the willingness of many Fascists to prefer Anglo-French relations over the Germans and the bourgeois origins of Fascism all provide a compotent book backed with varied sources and many examples of Life Under the Fascist Dictatorship, 1915-1945.
January 5, 2022
I learned a lot but it was reader-hostile, editing was atrocious. We’re expected to endure incomprehensibly long sentences such as: “Entrants to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in those years, for example, drawn to a man from the best and brightest of their world, were very likely to welcome Nationalist urging of a more forward policy in Africa, the Balkans, the eastern Mediterranean and the rest of Europe and simultaneously to second the demand for greater domestic discipline to marshal the nation to meet what might well be the coming and at least half-desired challenge of war.” Whew, are they rationing periods?
The book was way too long as a result, I felt the author needlessly tried to impress us with his wit and vocabulary. Obviously he’s smarter than we are, spare us the reminders.
There are also many awful puns such as "...diplomatic dealing patently infringed”, “Road-building offered a similarly bumpy record”, “Cirillo Figaia, who was locally nicknamed ‘the marble pirate’ for the profits he ruthlessly carved from the main industry at Carrara”, “Erect in his Fascism, the Questore had intervened ‘to stop, or at least to contain, such grave sexual aberrations which offend morality”. Groan.
Get an editor, buy a few hundred periods, omit the puns and revise the book so it can be appreciated vs. endured.
The book was way too long as a result, I felt the author needlessly tried to impress us with his wit and vocabulary. Obviously he’s smarter than we are, spare us the reminders.
There are also many awful puns such as "...diplomatic dealing patently infringed”, “Road-building offered a similarly bumpy record”, “Cirillo Figaia, who was locally nicknamed ‘the marble pirate’ for the profits he ruthlessly carved from the main industry at Carrara”, “Erect in his Fascism, the Questore had intervened ‘to stop, or at least to contain, such grave sexual aberrations which offend morality”. Groan.
Get an editor, buy a few hundred periods, omit the puns and revise the book so it can be appreciated vs. endured.
May 16, 2018
Between the Axis fascist trio of Germany, Japan and Italy, the latter was the one who got the least attention. So, I think of this book as quite refreshing. This book, quite comprehensively, discussed how Mussolini and the fascist tried to build a totalitarian state in which citizens wills submitted to the state’s. However, ordinary Italian managed to do otherwise, tweaking the system here and there for their own survival (and managed to profit). A latecomer to Scramble for Africa, Italy only managed to conquer Ethiopia, the one of two last independent countries in Africa. After that, it added Albania to its few possessions. Utterly unprepared for war, its military leaders believed in antiquated doctrines of war, its logistic system and weaponry inadequate and archaic. Italy was forced to rely more and more to Germany, to the point that Mussolini got deposed by people who used to be supporting him (he got propped up by Germany as an Italian puppet). The interesting point in this book would be, despite the fascists dragging down Italy to defeat, fascism as ideology was not exterminated, like nazism in Germany for instance. It survived well into 21st century.
January 16, 2024
My Amazon review on January 21, 2015: If you like Italian names..you will love this book!
I'll give it 3 although perhaps 2.5 is more reflective of my true feelings. One nagging question for me was: who is this thing written for? Anyone without substantial preexisting knowledge of the history of Fascist Italy will certainly be lost for pages at a time. Graduate students focusing on the period might get a lot out of it but your average or even above average history 'buff' (as I count myself) will go pages wandering through the endless morass of names, names, names. If he could have done ONE thing to improve this effort it would have been a (lengthy) glossary of the dramatis personae. And even a chronology of events would have done wonders in illuminating the subject matter. There are gems of information and insight tucked throughout the book but the organization left much to be desired. Lastly the books lacks a bibliography. There are footnotes aplenty but maybe he feels above something so pedestrian as suggested reading. I thought I would try his Mussolini biography but likely not after this sprawling, disorganized plate of Italian..pasta.
I'll give it 3 although perhaps 2.5 is more reflective of my true feelings. One nagging question for me was: who is this thing written for? Anyone without substantial preexisting knowledge of the history of Fascist Italy will certainly be lost for pages at a time. Graduate students focusing on the period might get a lot out of it but your average or even above average history 'buff' (as I count myself) will go pages wandering through the endless morass of names, names, names. If he could have done ONE thing to improve this effort it would have been a (lengthy) glossary of the dramatis personae. And even a chronology of events would have done wonders in illuminating the subject matter. There are gems of information and insight tucked throughout the book but the organization left much to be desired. Lastly the books lacks a bibliography. There are footnotes aplenty but maybe he feels above something so pedestrian as suggested reading. I thought I would try his Mussolini biography but likely not after this sprawling, disorganized plate of Italian..pasta.
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