History of Poland (1939–1945): Difference between revisions

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On September 1, 1939, without formal declaration of war, Germany invaded Poland. Germany's pretext was that Polish troops had allegedly committed "provocations" along the German-Polish border, together with the dispute between Germany and Poland over German rights to the Free City of Danzig and to free passage between East Prussia and the rest of Germany through the Polish Corridor. Pursuant to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, Poland was partitioned between Germany and the Soviet Union, which invaded eastern Poland on September 17, 1939.

The Polish armed forces resisted the German invasion, but their strategic position was hopeless since Poland was surrounded on three sides by Germany and German-controlled Czechoslovakia. It was in Poland that the Germans first used the tactics of Blitzkrieg ("lightning war"): rapid advance of Panzer (armored) divisions, dive bombing to break up troop concentrations, and aerial bombing of undefended cities to sap civilian morale. The Polish Army and Air Force had little modern equipment to match the onslaught.

German forces were numerically and technologically superior to Polish armed forces. The Germans threw eighty-five percent of their armed forces at Poland. They commanded 1.6 million troops, 250,000 trucks and other motor vehicles, 67,000 artillery pieces, 4,000 tanks and a cavalry division. The Luftwaffe aircraft were detached from the elite Condor Legion, which had seen action over Spain in 1938. The German air force comprised 1,180 fighter aircraft (mainly Me 109s), 290 Ju 87 Stuka dive bombers, 290 conventional bombers (mainly He 111 type), and 240 assorted naval aircraft. The German navy positioned its old battleship Schleswig-Holstein to shell Gdańsk.

The Polish forces were severely outnumbered and outclassed. They managed to muster 800,000 troops, including eleven cavalry brigades, two motorized brigades, 30,000 artillery pieces, and 120 tanks of the advanced 7-TP type. The Polish airforce consisted of 400 aircraft. 160 of them were PZL P.11c fighter aircraft, 31 PZL P.7a and 20 P.11a fighters, 120 PZL P.23 reconnaissance-bombers, and 45 PZL P.37 medium bombers. The navy consisted of four destroyers, one torpedo boat, one minelayer, two gunboats, six minesweepers, and five submarines.

The Poles believed that the invasion was intended from the beginning as a war of extermination. Hitler allegedly said to his commanders: "I have issued the command — and I'll have anybody who utters but one word of criticism executed by a firing squad — that our war aim does not consist in reaching certain lines, but in the physical destruction of the enemy. Accordingly, I have placed my death-head formations in readiness — for the present only in the East — with orders to them to send to death mercilessly and without compassion, men, women, and children of Polish race and language. Only thus shall we gain the living space (Lebensraum) which we need. Who, after all, speaks today of the annihilation of the Armenians?" (There are some doubts about the authenticity of this quotation. See Armenian quote).

The United Kingdom and France honoured their pledge to Poland by declaring war on Germany, but no practical assistance was rendered. according to the French-Polish military accord that was signed in May 19 1939, France will attack Germany if Poland will be attacked. The Wehrmacht was occupied in the attack on Poland, and the Frenchmans enjoyed decisive numerical advantage on their border with Germany, but the Frenchmans didn't do any action that was able to assist attacked Poles. 9 divisions (out of 102 that were ready to action) of the French army entered to the German area in Saarland, advanced to a depth of 8 kilometers and conquered about 20 abandoned villages, without any resistance. The Saar Offensive didn't cause incitement of even one German soldier from Poland to the west. When it looked like the Germans defeating Poland, and that soon they will be able to turn soldiers to the west again, the French General Staff ordered retreat, and in October 4 the French forces returned to the positions in which they were before the attack.

In the meanwhile, to the east of Poland, the Soviet Union was preparing its own military advance to occupy the eastern part of Poland in accordance with the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact concluded between the USSR and Germany in August 1939, just weeks before the German invasion.

With United Kingdom and France unable or unwilling to follow on their military committment to Poland, the Soviet Union, having its own reasons to fear the German expansionism towards the East, made several offers to Poland, as earleir to Czechoslovakia, of an anti-German alliance. Such alliances would have likely been a meaningful deterrent to Hitler's expansionist plans since they were to be backed by the Soviet military might. But the Poles feared Stalin's communism nearly as much as they feared Hitler's Nazism, and during 1939 they had refused to agree to any arrangement which would allow Soviet troops to enter Poland. The dillema, as Poles perceived it, is best illsutrated by the famous quote of Marshall Edward Rydz-Śmigły, the Commander-in-Chief of Polish Armed Forces. "With the Germans we run the risk of loosing our liberty. With the Russians we will loose our soul", he is quoted to have said on the Polish refusal to the take up on the Soviet offer. The Soviets than turned to concluding the treaty with Germany (the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact) which was signed in August, 1939 ending the possibility of Soviet aid.

The Polish government feared that Germany would launch only a limited war, to seize the territories which it claimed, and then ask France and United Kingdom for a cease fire. To defend these territories, the Polish military command compounded their strategic weakness by massing their forces along the western border, in defence of Poland's main industrial areas around Poznań and Łódź, where they could be easily surrounded and cut off. By the time the Polish command decided to withdraw to the line of the Vistula, it was too late. By 14 September Warsaw was surrounded.

In accordance with a secret protocol annex to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact Germany asked Soviet Union on 3 September[3] to engage its troops against the Polish state. Molotov congratulated Germany on reaching Warsaw on 9 September and assured Germany that the Soviet Union would deploy its troops within the next few days. He also informed German officials that to make Soviet involvment plausible, Soviet authorities would issue a declaration about coming to the aid of the Ukrainians and the Byelorussians threatened by Germany [4][5]. Indeed the arguments that Ukrainian and Belorussian minorities needed protection was used to justify the Soviet invasion along with the claim that "Poland no longer existed" and that the Soviet security was threatened.^[1] Molotov further stated that The Soviet Government unfortunately saw no possibility of any other motivation, since the Soviet Union had thus far not concerned itself about the plight of its minorities in Poland and had to justify abroad, in some way or other, its present intervention[6] On September 17 the Red Army marched its troops into Poland and co-ordinated its movements with German forces[7]. After brief negotations between Stalin and Hitler, the Soviet advance halted, roughly at the Curzon Line, as determined by final negotiations between both states[8]. A joint parade in Brest-Litovsk on 23 September 1939, dedicated to withdrawal of German foces from the city and placing it under Soviet control, led by Semyon Krivoshein and by Heinz Guderian[9] was held by Nazi's and Soviets.Semyon Krivoshein congratulated to Guderian and invited him to visit Moscow after German victory over England[10] Similiar parade was held in Grodno[11].

The Polish government and high command retreated to the south-east Romanian bridgehead and eventually crossed into neutral Romania. There was no formal surrender, and resistance continued in many places. Warsaw was bombed into submission on 27 September, and some Army units fought until well into October. In the more mountainous parts of the country Army units began underground resistance almost at once.

Losses resulting from the battle are as follows. The Polish army lost 65,000 troops, 400 air crew, and 110 navy crew. The German losses were 16,000 troops, 365 air crew, and 126 navy crew.

285 German aircraft were destroyed, with 126 claimed by Polish fighter pilots. 90 were shot down by anti-aircraft fire, and, due to the modesty of Polish pilots, there is a deficit of 70 unclaimed kills. 300 more German aircraft were so badly damaged they were written off. 327 aircraft were lost by the Polish airforce. 260 were lost due to direct or indirect enemy action, with around 70 in air-to-air fighting. 67 more were lost to anti-aircraft fire.

Under the terms of two decrees by Hitler (8 October and 12 October 1939), large areas of western Poland were annexed to Germany. These included all the territories which Germany had lost under the 1918 Treaty of Versailles, such as the Polish Corridor, West Prussia and Upper Silesia, but also a large area of indisputably Polish territory east of these territories, including the city of Łódź.

The Germans provided for the division of the annexed areas of Poland into the following administrative units:

• Reichsgau Wartheland (initially Reichsgau Posen), which included the entire Poznań voivodship, most of the Łódź voivodship, five counties of the Pomeranian voivodship, and one county of the Warsaw voivodship;
• the remaining area of Pomeranian voivodship, which was incorporated into the Reichsgau Danzig-Westpreussen (initially Reichsgau Westpreussen);
• Ciechanow District (Regierungsbezirk Zichenau) consisting of the five northern counties of Warsaw voivodship (Płock, Płońsk, Sierpc, Ciechanow and Mława), which became a part of East Prussia;
• Katowice District (Regierungsbezirk Kattowitz) or unofficially Ost-Oberschlesien (East Upper Silesia); which included Sosnowiec, Będzin, Chrzanów, and Zawiercie counties and parts of Olkusz and Żywiec counties.

The area of these annexed territories was 94,000 square kilometres and the population was about 10 million, the great majority of whom were Poles.

Under the terms of the Nazi-Soviet pact, adjusted by agreement on 28 September 1939, the Soviet Union, annexed all Polish territory east of the line of the rivers Pisa, Narew, Bug and San, except for the area around Wilno (Vilnius), which was given to Lithuania, and the Suwałki region, which was annexed by Germany. These territories were largely inhabited by Ukrainians and Byelorussians, with minorities of Poles and Jews (see exact numbers in Curzon line). The total area, including the area given to Lithuania, was 201,000 square kilometres, with a population of 13.5 million. A small strip of land that was part of Hungary before 1914, was also given to Slovakia.

After the German attack on the Soviet Union in June 1941, the Polish territories previously occupied by the Russians were organized as follows:

• Bezirk Bialystok (district of Białystok), which included the Białystok, Bielsk Podlaski, Grajewo, Łomża, Sokółka, Volkovysk, and Grodno counties, was "attached" to (but not incorporated into) East Prussia;
• Bezirke Litauen und Weißrussland – the Polish part of White Russia (today western Belarus), including the Vilna province (Vilnius was incorporated into the Reichskommissariat Ostland);
• Bezirk Wolhynien-Podolien – the Polish province of Volhynia, which was incorporated into the Reichskommissariat Ukraine; and
• East Galicia, which was incorporated into the General-Government and became its fifth district.

The future fate of Poland and Poles was decided in Generalplan Ost.

The remaining block of territory was placed under a German administration called the General Government (in German Generalgouvernement für die besetzten polnischen Gebiete), with its capital at Kraków. The General Government was subdivided into four districts, Warsaw, Lublin, Radom, and Kraków. (For more detail on the territorial division of this area see General Government.)

A German lawyer and prominent Nazi, Hans Frank, was appointed Governor-General of the occupied territories on 26 October 1939. Frank oversaw the segregation of the Jews into ghettos in the larger cities, particularly Warsaw, and the use of Polish civilians as forced and compulsory labour in German war industries.

The population in the General Government's territory was initially about 12 million in an area of 94,000 square kilometres, but this increased as about 860,000 Poles and Jews were expelled from the German-annexed areas and "resettled" in the Government General. Offsetting this was the German campaign of extermination of the Polish intelligentsia and other elements thought likely to resist (e.g. Operation Tannenberg). From 1941 disease and hunger also began to reduce the population. Poles were also deported in large numbers to work as forced labour in Germany: eventually about a million were deported, and many died in Germany.

It was German policy that the (non-Jewish) Poles were to be reduced to the status of serfs, and eventually replaced by German colonists. In the General Government all education but primary education was abolished and so was all Polish cultural, scientific, artistic life. Universities were closed and many university professors, along with teachers, lawyers, intellectuals and other members of the Polish elite, were arrested and executed. In 1943, the government selected the Zamojskie area for further German colonisation. German settlements were planned, and the Polish population expelled amid great brutality, but few Germans were settled in the area before 1944.

The Polish civilian population suffered under German occupation in several ways. Large numbers were expelled from areas intended for German colonisation, and forced to resettle in the General-Government area. Hundreds of thousands of Poles were deported to Germany for forced labour in industry and agriculture, where many thousands died. Poles were also conscripted for labour in Poland, and were held in labour camps all over the country, again with a high death rate. There was a general shortage of food, fuel for heating and medical supplies, and there was a high death rate among the Polish population as a result. Finally thousands of Poles were killed as reprisals for resistance attacks on German forces or for other reasons. In all, about 3 million (non-Jewish) Poles died as a result of the German occupation, more than 10 percent of the pre-war population. When this is added to the 3 million Polish Jews who were killed as a matter of policy by the Germans, Poland lost about 22 percent of its population, the highest proportion of any country in World War II^{[citation needed]}.

Rather than through being sent to concentration camps, most non-Jewish Poles died through in mass executions starvation, singled out murder cases, ill-health or forced labour. Apart from Auschwitz, the main six "extermination camps" in Poland were used almost exclusively to kill Jews. There was also camp Stutthof concentration camp used for mass extermination of Poles. There were a number of civilian labor camps (Gemeinschaftslager) for Poles (Polenlager) on the territory of Poland. Many Poles did die in German camps. The first non-German prisoners at Auschwitz were Poles, who were the majority of inmates there until 1942, when the systematic killing of the Jews began. The first killing by poison gas at Auschwitz involved 300 Poles and 700 Soviet prisoners of war, among them ethnic Ukrainians, Russians and others. Many Poles and other Eastern Europeans were also sent to concentration camps in Germany: over 35,000 to Dachau, 33,000 to the camp for women at Ravensbruck, 30,000 to Mauthausen and 20,000 to Sachsenhausen, for example.

By the end of Polish Defensive War the Soviet Union took over 52,1% of territory of Poland (circa 200,000 km²), with over 13,700,000 people. Although estimates vary the most throughout analysis^{[citation needed]} gives the following numbers in regards to ethnic composition of these areas: 38% Poles (ca. 5,1 million people), 37% Ukrainians, 14,5% Belarussians, 8,4% Jews, 0,9% Russians and 0,6% Germans. There were also 336,000 refugees from areas occupied by Germany, most of them Jews (198,000)^[2]. Areas occupied by USSR were annexed to Soviet territory, with the exception of area of Wilno, which was transferred to Lithuania, although soon attached to USSR, when Lithuania became a Soviet republic.

While Germans enforced their policies based on racism, the Soviet administration used slogans about class struggle, and dictatorship of the proletariat^{[3][dubious – discuss]}, which in Soviet reality were equal to Stalinism and Sovietization. Immediately after their conquest of eastern Poland, the Soviet authorities started a campaign of sovietization^[4][5] of the newly-acquired areas. No later than several weeks after the last Polish units surrendered, on October 22, 1939, the Soviets organized staged elections to the Moscow-controlled Supreme Soviets (legislative body) of Western Byelorussia and Western Ukraine^[6]. The result of the staged voting was to become a legitimization of Soviet partition of Poland^[7].

Subsequently, all institutions of the dismantled Polish state were being closed down and reopened with new mostly Russian directors and more rarely^{[citation needed]} Ukrainian ones^[2]. Lviv University and many other schools were reopened soon but they were restarted anew as Soviet institutions. Lviv University was reorganized in accordance with the Statute Books for Soviet Higher Schools. The tuition, that along with the insitution's Polonophile traditions, kept the university inaccessible to most of the rural Ukrainophone population, was abolished and several new chairs were opened. The chairs of Ukrainian language and Ukrainian literature were significantly expanded and additionally the Russian language and literature chairs were opened. Additionally Marxism-Leninism, Dialectical and Historical Materialism chairs were open in order strenghten the Soviet ideology^[2]. Polish literature and language studies ware dissolved by Soviet authorities. Forty five new faculty members were assigned to it from Kharkiv, Kiev universities. On January 15, 1940 the university was reopened and started to teach in accordance with Soviet curricula.^[8].

Simultaneously Soviet authorities attempted to remove the traces of recent Polish control of the area by eliminating much of what had any connection to the Polish state or even Polish culture in general.^[2] On December 21, 1939, the Polish currency was withdrawn from circulation without any exchange to the newly-introduced rouble, which meant that the entire population of the area lost all of their life-time savings overnight^[9].

All the media became controlled by Moscow. Soviet occupation implemented a political regime similar to police state^{[10][11][12][13]}, based on terror. All Polish parties and organisations were disbanded. Only the Communist Party was allowed to exist with organisations subordinated to it.

All organized religions were persecuted. All enterprises were taken over by the state, while agriculture was made collective^[14].

According to the Soviet law, all residents of the annexed area, dubbed by the Soviets as citizens of former Poland^[15], automatically acquired the Soviet citizenship. However, since actual conferral of citizenship still required the individual consent, residents were strongly pressured for such consent^[16] and the refugees who opted out were threatened with repatriation to Nazi controlled territories of Poland^[1][17][18].

In addition, the Soviets exploited past ethnic tension between Poles and other ethnic groups, inciting and encouraging violence against Poles calling the minorities to "rectify the wrongs they had suffered during twenty years of Polish rule"^[19]. Pre-war Poland was portrayed as a capitalist state based on exploitation of the working people and ethnic minorities. Soviet propaganda claimed that unfair treatment of non-Poles by the Second Polish Republic was a justification of its dismemberment. Soviet officials openly incited mobs to perform killings and robberies^[20]. The death toll of the initial Soviet-inspired terror campaign remains unknown.

Initially the Soviet rule gained much support, especially among the non-Polish population of the territories whose being subject to the nationalist policies of interwar Poland caused a substantial resentment against the Polish institutions and, sometimes, against the Poles in general. Much of the Jewish and, especially, the Ukrainian population initially welcomed the unification with the rest of Ukraine which Ukrainians failed to achieve in 1919 when their attempt for self-determination was crushed by Poland.^[21] This was even strengthened by a land reform in which most of the owners of large lots of land were labeled "kulaks" and dispossessed of their land which was then divided among poorer peasants.

However, soon afterwards the Soviet authorities started a campaign of forced collectivisation, which largely nullified the earlier gains from the land reform as the peasants generally did not want to join the Kolkhoz farms, nor to give away their crops for free to fulfill the state impose guotas. At the same time, there were large groups of pre-war Polish citizens, notably Jewish youth and, to a lesser extent, the Ukrainian peasants, who saw the Soviet power as an opportunity to start political or social activity outside of their traditional ethnic or cultural groups. Their enthusiasm however faded with time as it became clear that the Soviet repressions were aimed at all groups equally, regardless of their political stance^[22].

An inherent part of the Sovietization was a rule of terror started by the NKVD and other Soviet agencies. The first victims of the new order were approximately 250,000 Polish prisoners of war captured by the USSR during and after the Polish Defensive War^[23]. As the Soviet Union did not sign any international convention on rules of war, they were denied the status of prisoners of war and instead almost all of the captured officers and a large number of ordinary soldiers^[24] were then murdered (see Katyn massacre) or sent to Gulag^[25].

Similar policies were applied to the civilian population as well. The Soviet authorities regarded service for the pre-war Polish state as a "crime against revolution"^[26] and "counter-revolutionary activity"^[27], and subsequently started arresting large numbers of Polish intelligentsia, politicians, civil servants and scientists, but also ordinary people suspected of posing a threat to the Soviet rule. Among the arrested members of the Polish intelligentsia were former prime ministers Leon Kozłowski and Aleksander Prystor, as well as Stanisław Grabski, Stanisław Głąbiński and the Baczewski family. Initially aimed primarily at possible political opponents, by January of 1940 the NKVD aimed its campaign also at its potential allies, including the Polish communists and socialists. Among the arrested were Władysław Broniewski, Aleksander Wat, Tadeusz Peiper, Leopold Lewin, Anatol Stern, Teodor Parnicki, Marian Czuchnowski and many others^[28].

The prisons soon got severely overcrowded^[22] with detainees suspected of anti-Soviet activities and the NKVD had to open dozens of ad-hoc prison sites in almost all towns of the region^[7]. The wave of arrests led to forced resettlement of large categories of people (kulaks, Polish civil servants, forest workers, university professors or osadniks, for instance) to the Gulag labour camps^[5]. Altogether roughly a half a million people were sent to the east in four major waves of deportations^[29]. According to Norman Davies^[30], almost half of them were dead by the time the Sikorski-Mayski Agreement had been signed in 1941.

To this day events of those and following years are one of the stumbling blocks in the Polish-Russian foreign relations. Polish requests for the return of property looted during the war or any demand for an apology for Soviet-era crimes are either ignored or prompt a brusque restatement of history as seen from the Kremlin, along the lines of "we freed you from Nazism: be grateful."[12]

Persecution of the Jews by the Nazi occupation government, particularly in the urban areas, began immediately after the occupation. In the first year and a half, however, the Germans confined themselves to stripping the Jews of their property and herding them into ghettoes and putting them into forced labor in war-related industries. During this period the Jewish community leadership, the Judenrat, which, unlike Polish authorities, had an official recognition by the Germans, was able to some extent to bargain with the Germans. After the German attack on the Soviet Union in June 1941, special extermination squads (the Einsatzgruppen) were organised to kill Jews in the areas of eastern Poland which had been annexed by the Soviets in 1939.

A few German-inspired massacres were carried out with help from, or even active participation by, Poles themselves. For example, the massacre in Jedwabne, in which between 300 (Institute of National Remembrance's Final Findings [13]) and 1,600 (Jan T. Gross [14]) Jews were tortured and beaten to death by part of Jedwabne's citizens. The full extent of Polish participation in the massacres of the Polish Jewish community remains a controversial subject, but the Polish Institute for National Remembrance identified 22 other towns that had pogroms similar to Jedwabne. [15]. The reasons for these massacres are still debated, but they included anti-Semitism, resentment over cooperation with the Soviet invaders in Polish-Soviet War and during 39' invasion of Kresy regions, and simple greed for the possessions of the Jews.

At the Wannsee conference near Berlin on 20 January 1942, Dr Josef Bühler urged Reinhard Heydrich to begin the proposed "final solution to the Jewish question" in the General Government. Accordingly, in 1942 the Germans began the systematic killing of the Jews, beginning with the Jewish population of the General Government. Six extermination camps (Auschwitz, Belzec, Chełmno, Majdanek, Sobibór and Treblinka) were established in which the most extreme measure of the Holocaust, the mass murder of millions of Jews from Poland and other countries, was carried out between 1942 and 1944. Of Poland's prewar Jewish population of 3 million, only about 50,000 survived the war.

The role played by Poles in these events has been the subject of considerable debate. Since the fall of Communism in Poland, it has become possible to debate this issue openly, and Polish political parties, the Catholic Church, and Jewish organisations both inside and outside Poland have contributed. Before the war there were 3 million Jews in Poland, about 10% of the population. Poland was a deeply Catholic country and the presence of this large non-Christian minority had always been a source of tension, and periodically of violence between Poles and Jews. There was both official and popular anti-Semitism in Poland before the war, at times encouraged by the Catholic Church and by some political parties, but not directly by the government. There were also political forces in Poland which opposed anti-Semitism, but in the later 1930s reactionary and anti-Semitic forces had gained ground. In some cases, the Germans were clearly able to exploit this anti-Jewish sentiment. Some Poles betrayed hidden Jews to the Germans, and others made their living as "Jew-hunters", although many others hid Jews rather than collaborate in their destruction. Anti-Semitism was particularly strong in the eastern areas which had been occupied by the Soviet Union from 1939 to 1941. Here the local population accused the Jews of having collaborated with the Soviets, and also alleged that Jewish Communists had been prominent in the repressions and deportations of Catholic Poles of that period, leading to acts of vengeance that, on occasion resulted in innocents being targeted.

In general, during the German occupation, most Poles were engaged in a desperate struggle for survival. They were in no position to oppose or impede the German extermination of the Jews even if they had wanted to. There were however many cases of Poles risking death to hide Jewish families and in other ways assist the Jews. (Only in Poland was death a standard punishment for a person and his whole family, and sometimes also neighbours, for any help given to Jews.) In September 1942 the Provisional Committee for Aid to Jews (Tymczasowy Komitet Pomocy Żydom) was founded on the initiative of Zofia Kossak-Szczucka. This body later became the Council for Aid to Jews (Rada Pomocy Żydom), known by the code-name Żegota. It is not known how many Jews were helped by Żegota, but at one point in 1943 it had 2,500 Jewish children under its care in Warsaw alone. (See also an example of the village that helped Jews: Markowa). Because of these sorts of actions, Polish citizens have the highest amount of Righteous Among The Nations awards at the Yad Vashem Museum.

There was no collaborationist government in Poland, and relatively little active collaboration by individual Poles with any aspect of the German presence in Poland, including the Holocaust - certainly less than in France, for example. This was partly because the long-term German plan was to resettle Poland with Germans, and while German authorities were on occasion interested in recruiting Polish collaborators, Hitler always refused to take the idea seriously as it would require lessening of the terror reign in Poland. As such all propaganda efforts to recruit Poles in either labour or auxiliary roles were met with almost no interest, due to contrast of everyday reality of German occupation. The non-German auxiliary workers in the extermination camps, for example, were mostly Ukrainians and Balts rather than Poles. The Polish underground movements, the nationalist Home Army (AK) and the Communist People's Army (AL), generally opposed collaboration in anti-Jewish persecution and punished it by death. The Polish Government in Exile was also the first (in November 1942) [16] to reveal the existence of Nazi-run concentration camps and the systematic extermination of the Jews by the Nazis, through its courier Jan Karski and through the activities of Witold Pilecki, a member of Armia Krajowa who volunteered to be imprisoned in Auschwitz in order to organize a resistance movement inside the camp itself.

However, a distinct from the Home Army resistance movenent the ultra-nationalist^[31][17] Narodowe Siły Zbrojne (NSZ or National Armed Forces) organized a large number of murders of Jews in Poland.^[32]

At the same time, while the Home Army as a whole was largely untainted by the collaboration against the Jews, it is difficult to attribute separate cases of anti-Jewish violence since resistance members sometimes switched between the resistance forces. The cases of collaboration between the AK and the Nazi fources that did occur were more at the tactical level and mostly directed against the pro-Soviet partisans and, sometimes, the Red Army rather than against the Jews.^[32][18] Such collaboration was tacit rather than open, for example Germans didn't officially provide the Polish resistance members with arms but rather left the arms stockpiles "unguarded".

The Polish government re-assembled in Paris and formed a government in exile. Władysław Raczkiewicz was sworn in as President and chose General Władysław Sikorski as Prime Minister. Most of the Polish Navy escaped to the United Kingdom, and thousands of other Poles escaped through Romania or across the Baltic Sea to continue the fight. Many Poles took part in defence of France, in the Battle of Britain and other operations beside British forces (see Polish contribution to World War II).

This government in exile, based first in Paris and then in London, was recognised by all the Allied governments. When Germany attacked the Soviet Union in 1941, the Polish government in exile established diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union, despite Stalin's role in the destruction of Poland. Hundreds of thousands of Polish soldiers who had been taken prisoner by the Soviet Union in eastern Poland in 1939, and many other Polish prisoners and deportees, were released and were allowed to leave the country via Iran. (Among them was the future Prime Minister of Israel, Menachem Begin.) They formed the basis for the Polish Army led by General Władysław Anders that fought alongside the Allies at Cassino, Arnhem and other battles.

But in April 1943 the Germans announced that they had discovered the graves of 4,300 Polish officers who had been taken prisoner in 1939 and murdered by the Soviets, in a mass gave in Katyń Wood near Smolensk. The Germans invited the International Red Cross to visit the site, which confirmed both that the graves contained Polish officers and that they had been killed with Soviet weapons. The Soviet government said that the Germans had fabricated the discovery. The Allied governments, for diplomatic reasons, formally accepted this, but the Polish government in exile refused to do so. Stalin then severed relations with the London Poles.

Stalin immediately set up the nucleus of a Communist controlled Polish government, and began recruiting for a Communist Polish Army. By July 1943 this army, led by General Zygmunt Berling, had 40,000 members. Since it was clear that it would be the Soviet Union, not the western Allies, who would liberate Poland from the Germans, this breach had fateful consequences for Poland. In a seemingly unfortunate coincidence, Sikorski, the most talented of the Polish exile leaders, was killed in an aircrash near Gibraltar in July. Some sources indicate that the general's death had been engineered by Stalin. Sikorski was succeeded as head of the government in exile by Stanisław Mikołajczyk.

During 1943 and 1944 the Allied leaders, particularly Winston Churchill, tried to bring about a resumption of talks between Stalin and the London Poles. But these efforts broke down over several issues. One was the massacre at Katyń and the fate of many other Poles who had disappeared into Soviet prisons and labour camps since 1939. Another was Poland's postwar borders. Stalin insisted that the territories annexed in 1939, should remain in Soviet hands, and that Poland should be compensated with lands to be annexed from Germany. The London Poles, led by Mikołajczyk, refused to this proposition, even when Churchill threatened to cut off relations with them. A third issue was Mikołajczyk's insistence that Stalin not set up a communist government in postwar Poland. Fundamentally, the issue was that the Poles wanted to preserve their independence, while Stalin was determined that he would be in control of Poland. Eventually, the Poles believed, the UK and US firmly supported Stalin on all three issues.

In 1944 Polish government in exile considered its position boosted, as the Polish forces in the West were making a substantial contribution to the war: in May, the Second Corps under general Władysław Anders stormed the fortress of Monte Cassino and opened a road to Rome, in August general Stanisław Maczek's 1st Armored Division distinquished itself at the battle of Falaise, in September general Stanisław Sosabowski's Parachute Brigade fought hard at the battle of Arnhem. At the same time, however, Stalin's Red Army was marching into Poland, and toughened his stance against the London Poles, now demanding not only the recognition of the Curzon Line as the border, but the resignation from the government all 'elements hostile to the Soviet Union', which meant in pratice president Władysław Raczkiewicz and most of Polish ministers^[33].

Polish resistance movement to the German occupation began almost at once, although there is little terrain in Poland suitable for guerilla operations. The Home Army (in Polish Armia Krajowa or AK), loyal to the Polish government in exile in London and a military arm of the Polish Secret State, was formed from a number of smaller groups in 1942. From 1943 the AK was in competition with the People's Army (Polish Armia Ludowa or AL), backed by the Soviet Union and controlled by the Polish Workers' Party (Polish Polska Partia Robotnicza or PPR). By 1944 the AK had some 380,000 men, although few arms: the AL was much smaller. The Polish resistance organizations (Leśni) killed about 150,000 Axis during the occupation.

In August 1943 and March 1944 Polish Secret State annouced their long-term plan, partially designed to counter attractivness of some of communists' proposals. That plan promised a land reform, nationalisation of industrial base, demands for territorial compensation from Germany as well as re-estabilishment of pre-1939 eastern border. Thus the main difference between the Underground State and the communists, in terms of politics, ammounted not to radical economic and social reforms, which where advocated by both sides, but to their attitudes towards national sovereignity, borders and Polish-Soviet relations^[33].

In April 1943 the Germans began deporting the remaining Jews from the Warsaw ghetto, provoking the Warsaw Ghetto Rising, April 19 to May 16, one of the first armed uprisings against the Germans in Poland. Some units of the AK tried to assist the Ghetto rising, but for the most part the Jews were left to fight alone. The Jewish leaders knew that the rising would be crushed but they preferred to die fighting than wait to be deported to their deaths in the camps.

During 1943 the Home Army built up its forces in preparation for a national uprising. The plan was code-named Operation Tempest and began in late 1943. Its most widely known elements were Operation Ostra Brama and the Warsaw Uprising. In August 1944, as the Soviet armed forces approached Warsaw, the government in exile called for an uprising in the city, so that they could return to a liberated Warsaw and try to prevent a Communist take-over. The AK, led by Tadeusz Bór-Komorowski, launched the Warsaw Uprising. Soviet forces were less than 20 km away but on the orders of Soviet High Command they gave no assistance. Stalin described the rising as a "criminal adventure." The Poles appealed for the western Allies for help. The Royal Air Force, and the Polish Air Force based in Italy, dropped some arms but, as in 1939, it was almost impossible for the Allies to help the Poles without Soviet assistance.

The fighting in Warsaw was desperate, with selfless valour being displayed in street-to-street fighting. The AK had between 12,000 and 20,000 armed soldiers, most with only small arms, against a well-armed German Army of 20,000 SS and regular Army units. Bór-Komorowski's hope that the AK could take and hold Warsaw for the return of the London government was never likely to be achieved. After 63 days of savage fighting the city was reduced to rubble, and the reprisals were savage. The SS and auxiliary units recruited from Soviet Army deserters were particularly brutal.

After Bór-Komorowski's surrender the AK fighters were treated as prisoners-of-war by the Germans, much to the outrage of Stalin, but the civilian population were ruthlessly punished. Overall Polish casulties are estimated to be between 150,000-300,000 killed, 90,000 civilians were sent to labor camps in the Reich, while 60,000 were shipped to death and concentration camps such as Ravensbruck, Auschwitz, Mauthausen and others. The city was almost totally destroyed after German sappers systematically demolished the city. The Warsaw Rising allowed the Germans to destroy the AK as a fighting force, but the main beneficiary was Stalin, who was able to impose a communist government on postwar Poland with little fear of armed resistance.

As the Soviets advanced through Poland in late 1944 the German administration collapsed. The Communist-controlled Committee of National Liberation (PKWN, Polski Komitet Wyzwolenia Narodowego), headed by Bolesław Bierut, was installed by the Soviet Union in July in Lublin, the first major Polish city to be liberated from the Nazis, and began to take over the administration of the country as the Germans retreated. The government in exile in London had only one card to play, the forces of the AK. This was why the government in exile was determined that the AK would cooperate with the advancing Red Army on a tactical level, while Polish civil authorities from underground took power in Allied-controlled Polish territory (see Operation Tempest) to prevent possibility of Soviets taking control over Poland. The failure of the Warsaw Uprising marked the end of any real chance that Poland would escape postwar Communist rule, especially given the unwillingness of the Western Allies to risk conflict with Soviets over Poland. Soviets performed executions, deportations and arrests of Home Army members that assisted them in fights against German army[19], [20]. Until 1946 Soviet forces fought against Polish independence movement, and some of AK and NSZ soldiers continued to fight well into 1956[21].

At the Yalta Conference in February 1945, Stalin was able to present his Western Allies, Franklin D. Roosevelt and Winston Churchill, with a fait accompli in Poland. His armed forces were in control of the country, and his agents, the Polish Communists, were in control of its administration. The USSR was in the process of incorporating the lands in eastern Poland (Kresy), which it had invaded and annexed in 1939 (see Polish areas annexed by Soviet Union), with some minor border adjustments in Poland's favour (the most important of which allowed Poland to retain Białystok). In compensation, the USSR awarded Poland all the German territories in Pomerania, Silesia and Brandenburg east of the Oder-Neisse Line, plus the southern half of East Prussia (those would be known as the Recovered Territories). Ironically, Ukrainian lands in Europe were finally granted a semblance of autonomy as a result of Stalin's imperial designs.

Stalin was determined that Poland's new government should be Communist, and therefore ultimately under his control. He had severed relations with the Polish government-in-exile in London in 1943 in the aftermath of the Katyn Massacre, but to appease Roosevelt and Churchill he agreed at Yalta that a coalition government would be formed. The Prime Minister of the Polish government in exile, Stanisław Mikołajczyk, resigned his post and, with several other Polish exile leaders, went to Lublin in eastern Poland, where the Communist-controlled provisional government had been established. This government was headed by a Socialist, Edward Osóbka-Morawski, but the Communists held a majority of key posts. It was recognised by the Western Allies in July 1945. Stalin also agreed that Poland would receive a $US10 billion reparation payment from Germany.

In April 1945, that provisional government signed a mutual pact with the Soviet Union. The new Polish Government of National Unity was finally constituted on June 28, with Mikołajczyk as Deputy Prime Minister. The Communists' principal rivals were Mikołajczyk's Polish Peasant Party (Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe PSL), veterans of both the World War II resistance group Home Army (AK), and the Polish armies which had fought in the west. But at the same time, Soviet-oriented parties, especially the PPR, under Władysław Gomułka and Bolesław Bierut, held the balance of power, controlling Polish army and police, and being supported by the Red Army. Potential political opponents of Communists were subject to Soviet terror campaing, with many of them arrested, executed or tortured[22]. Alone in labour camps created by Soviets as early as 1944 at least 25,000 people lost their lives[23]. Harry S. Truman and Winston Churchill were aware of the predominance of Soviet controlled parties and decided on a policy of strong resistance to Stalin.

The Western Allies (particularly Roosevelt) have been criticised, both by Polish writers and some western historians, for what most Poles see as the abandonment of Poland to Stalin. There is no doubt that Roosevelt was naive to accept Stalin's promises at Yalta. But it is difficult in retrospect to see what effective action the Allies could have taken, especially since Stalin had full control of Poland, even if they had intended to intervene, other then a full-out war against the Soviets.

Mikołajczyk and his colleagues in the Polish Government-in-Exile insisted on making a stand in defence of Poland's pre-1939 eastern border (Curzon line) as a basis for the future Polish-Soviet border, a position which could not be defended in practice because Stalin was in control of the territory in question, and he had already been promised those areas by Churchill and Roosevelt back in 1943. The Government-in-Exile's refusal to accept the proposed new Polish borders irritated the Allies, particularly Churchill, making them less inclined to oppose Stalin on the question of the composition of the postwar government. In the end the exiles lost on both issues: Stalin annexed the eastern territories, and controlled the new Polish government. While Poland didn't end up as republic of the Soviet Union as was proposed by some influential communists such as Wanda Wasilewska[24], it was to remain under heavy Soviet control till mid-1950s.

Hans Frank was captured by American troops in May 1945 and was one of the defendants at the Nuremberg Trials. During his trial he converted to Catholicism. Frank surrendered forty volumes of his diaries to the Tribunal and much evidence against him and others was gathered from them. He was found guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity and on 1 October 1946 he was sentenced to death by hanging.

In 1945 Poland's borders were finally redrawn, following the decision taken at the Teheran Conference of 1943 at the insistence of the Soviet Union. The eastern territories which the Soviet Union had occupied in 1939 (minus the Białystok region) were permanently annexed, and most of their Polish inhabitants expelled: today these territories are part of Belarus, Ukraine and Lithuania. In compensation, Poland was given former German territory (the so-called Regained Territories): the southern half of East Prussia and all of Pomerania and Silesia, up to the Oder-Neisse Line. This entailed the expulsion of millions of Germans. These territories were repopulated with Poles expelled from the eastern regions by the Soviet Union. The defence of this frontier made Poland dependent on Soviet support.

According to the Yalta Agreement millions of "Soviet citizens" were forcibly repatriated to the USSR by the Western Allies. The Polish government, however, not wishing to entertain the recreation of a Belorusian and Ukrainian minority within the postwar boundaries of Poland, withdrew the citizenship of those displaced persons (DPs) and political refugees who found themselves in western Europe, leaving them stateless, and collaborated actively in 1947 in the expulsion of remaining Belorusians and especially Ukrainians from the southwestern region of postwar Poland, expelling thousands of Ukrainians into Soviet Ukraine (Operation Vistula), thereby undercutting the ongoing Ukrainian nationalist resistance to Soviet rule (Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA)) and ensuring that postwar Poland would not have any significant non-Jewish minorities to contend with.

• Anti-Polonism
• German camps in occupied Poland during World War II
• Polish contribution to World War II
• Western betrayal
• Żegota

In-line:

General:

1. Keith Sword (1991). The Soviet Takeover of the Polish Eastern Provinces, 1939-41. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 0312055706. {{cite book}}: Cite has empty unknown parameters: |chapterurl= and |coauthors= (help)

• Davies, Norman (1982). God's Playground. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 0231053533 and ISBN 0231053517.
• Jan Tomasz Gross, Revolution from Abroad: The Soviet Conquest of Poland's Western Ukraine and Western Belorussia, Princeton University Press, 2002, ISBN 0691096031, Google Print
• John Hiden (ed.), Thomas Lane (ed.), The Baltic and the Outbreak of the Second World War, Cambridge University Press, 2003, ISBN 0521531209
• Timothy Snyder, Sketches from a Secret War : A Polish Artist's Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine, Yale University Press, 2005, ISBN 030010670X

• Hitler Armenian Statement
• The Poles on the Fronts of World War II
• Polish Resistance in World War II
• Testimony of Hans Frank at Nuremberg
• University of New York in Buffalo Info Poland: World War II
• Polish Losses in World War II, Witold J. Lukaszewski, Sarmatian Review, April 1998
• The Soviet Invasion of Poland During the World War II
• The Polish-Russian Controversy