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* conclusion: how technology is designed, and the needs of those designing it, have much impact on the scope of delibration
* conclusion: how technology is designed, and the needs of those designing it, have much impact on the scope of delibration


==3maj==
====
*p.2-3 - transparency fosters trust and networking in businesses;
*p.9-10 - business releases information risking competitors knowing it to foster free innovation
*p.11-13 - collaboration WAS small scale; it is large scale now
*p.15 - as with any revolutions, the demands on individuals, organizations and nations will be intense
*p.18 - wikinomics is a new art of science of collaboration. It means more than just a new way to create documents. A wiki is more than software; is a metaphor for a new era of collaboration and participation. With peer production we will harness human skill, ingenuity and intelligence more efficiently and effectively" then before
*p.19 - the new Web (Web 2.0) is abbout communities, participation and peering.
* will we look at this decade as a turning point in our history?
* principles of wikinomics:
** being open - to talent pool outside organization, to sharing previously secret information with others (for example, to facilitate the creation of standards)
** peering - moving away from the hierarchical structure towards a more horizontal form. There is still variance in authority, and underlying structure, those peer netwerks are quite different from traditional bureaucratic hierarchies
** sharing - of intellectual property, free licences, pharmaceutics, software, contributing to the commons is not altruism but creates vibrant fundations accelarting growth and innovation everywhere,
** acting globally -
* previous technology driven revolutions took more than a acentury to unfold. Today - law of accelarating returns
* disruptive technology
* a new kind of economy where firms coexist with millions of individuals who collaborate through various networks and create value
* organizations who don't adapt - who don't embrace collaboration - will perish (p.33)
* p.37 - "Net Generation" - baby boom echo - for whom web is a glue that binds their social networks. MySpace, Facebook, Technorati, flickr, they are the future leaders ... p.59 they have a very strong sense of common good and collective social and civic responsibility
* p.52 more than half of US teens (57%) are content creators ([http://www.pewinternet.org/PPF/r/166/report_display.asp]), 2005 data, compared to 44% adults (2004 data) [http://www.pewinternet.org/PPF/r/113/report_display.asp]; rougly twice as many teens have posted written material (32% to 17%)
* new web - from newspaper to canvass
* folksonomy - tagging - could people tag and rate government pages?
* p.46 people are increasingly in command
* they compare [[TakingITGlobal]] to UN due to size and membership, note they meet world leaders
* p.240 - workplaces are being reformed; we are shifting from closed and hierarchical workplaces with rigid employment relationships to increasingly self-organized, distributed, and collaboarative human capital networks that draw knowledge and resources from outside of the organization
* p.252 - bottom up approach: John Seely Brown, former chief scientist of XEROX, notes "A lot of corporations are using wikis without the top management even knowing it". It usually starts with the organization IT department, and migrates to other places. In Dresden Kleinwort - a German bank - after few months of wiki pilot program, they have dominated the company's intranet, cut down e-mail volume by 75% and meetings by 50%. Tantek Celik, Technocrati's chief technologist, states that in five years "knowledge of wikis will be a required job skill".
* it used outside IT sector - from banks (DT) through universities ()
* it is unorthodox and usettling to the older generations
* Intellipedia - trusting our security to such a new way of thinking
* the creation of adhocracies will become a norm (p.265)
* the revolution will be gradual. Shifts in organizational paradigms are slow (p.266)
* co-innovate with citizens, share resources that were guarded,


Other stuff: [[Copenhagen Consensus]], [[Tobin tax]]
===Pastusiak===
* Longin Pastusiak, Polacy w zaraniu Stanów Zjednoczonych‎, Wiedza Powszechna, Warszawa, 1977
* chapter: STANY ZJEDNOCZONE WOBEC KONSTYTUCJI 3 MAJA (E184.P7 P3)
* p.176
* The news of the passing of the constitution was received enthusiastically in the US.
* First report: [[Columbian Centinel]], 6 October 1791
* something on reception in UK? Check!
* p.177
* Many positive reports in the press. Points of interest: support of Polish population for the constitution, lack of violence
* Positive descriptions of Stanislaw August Poniatowski
* p.178
* praise by [[Edmund Burke]] (cited in US press), who saw Polish constitution as better than the French one
* praise by diplomat poets: [[Joel Barlow]] and [[David Humphreys]]
* praise by [[George Washington]] and [[Thomas Jefferson]] (Washington vocally praised Poniatowski)
* chapter: STANY ZJEDNOCZONE A ROZBIORY POLSKI
* p.184, 186
* Americans criticized partitions of Poland. Critics included Jefferson, [[Henry Wheaton]], [[James Monroe]], [[John Hancock]], [[Samuel Adams]], [[Thomas Mifflin]], [[Horatio Gates]], [[Harry Lee]], [[Stephen Moylan]], [[Alexander Hamilton]] and [[John Adams]].
* chapter: AMERYKANIE W POLSCE XVIII WIEKU
* p.190-193
* [[Charles Lee (general)]] - friend of king Poniatowski, exchanged correspondence
* p.194-p.198
* [[Louis Littlepage]] - royal secretary to king August, see dedicated article
* Julian Ursyn Niemcewicz corresponded with Jefferson
* p.197
* note of an undelivered (lost) letter of king Poniatowski to Washington
* p.198-199
* note of a second undelivered letter
* p.200-203
* [[Joel Barlow]]
* considered Poniatowski the most englightened monarch in Europe
* wrote a poem ''The Vision of Columbus'' about Poniatowski; Poniatowski in 1791 wrote a letter of thanks in return, they exchanged further correspondence, Barlow praised Constitution of 3rd May
* he mentioned Poniatowski and Kosciuszko in his works
* he visited Warsaw in 1812, where he died

===Haiman===
* Haiman, Miecislaus, ''Polish past in America, 1608-1865'', Chicago : Polish Museum of America, 1974.
* p.48
* Poniatowski expressed warm sentiments for Americans as early as 1768, in a letter to Charles Lee
* need to partition Poland prevented Russia, ally of England, from sending troops to aid the British, despite the Russian declarations
* p.49
* Poland was frequently mentioned by delegates to the [[Federal Convention]] of 1787, first by [[Alexsander Hamilton]] on June 18th
* in turn, in the debates of the [[Great Diet]], names of Washington and other Americans are often mentioned
* Americans supportive of the Polish constitution (in addition to those mentioned by Pastusiak): [[David Humphreys]], [[John Paul Jones]], popular toasts for Poland in the years 1791-1795,
* p.57-58: [[Julian Ursyn Niemcewicz]] came to US with Kosciuszko, and settled there till 1806

===Kocój===
====Prussia: W relacjach posła pruskiego====
*Henryk Kocój, ''Konstytucja 3 maja w relacjach posła pruskiego Augusta Fryderyka Ferdynanda Goltsa'', Wydawnictwo UJ, 1000
*[[August Friedrich Ferdinand von der Goltz]] (Polish: August Fryderyk Ferdynand Goltz) replaced [[Girolamo Lucchesini]] in Warsaw from 20 October 1790 to 5 December 1791
*about feelings and attitudes of Polish society towards the constitution: peaceful and widely positive overall, although in time, opposition gains strength. Notes reactions of magnates, lesser nobility and burghers, notes the changing perception of some burghers, increasingly afraid that nobility will gain burghers privileges. Notes increasing number of pamphlets and other printed materials in Warsaw.
*critique of the [[Stronnictwo Patriotyczne]] as too elitist and not representative enough
*notes on the reaction of other diplomats to the constitution: surprised, no specific instructions, usually defaulted to being supportive of the constitution
*notes on the SP motivation: '''political opportunity, but perceived''': they are too optimistic, and interpret all international events in their favor

====France: Francja wobec Sejmu Wielkiego====
*Henryk Kocój, Francja wobec Sejmu Wielkiego (zarys stosunków dyplomatycznych między Francją a 13. Polską w latach 1788 - 1792), Kraków 2001
*French diplomats in Poland: [[Jean Alexandre Bonneau]], [[Joseph Aubert]]
*p.14, report of French minister to Russia, [[Louis Philippe, comte de Ségur]], in Warsaw before the Great Sejm: everyone '''but the peasants''' were excited: L.P. Ségur, ''Memoiries...'', t. III, p. 537-538: "...la fermentation agitait alors les espirits de tous les habitants de cette malheureuse contree, les paysans seuls conservaient cet air morne, cette physionomie sans expression, cette immobile apatie triste et constante. Au millie des villes et sur les places publiques ils se reunissaient et parlaient avec feu. Tout annocait la plus grande agitation."
*overall, France (Bourbon) saw Poland as useless, and tried to keep its alliance with France
*p.22, reports from the Great Sejm were published in French press, which discussed the impact of the French Revolution on Poland. Ex. "Gazette Nationale ou le Moniteur Universel" 25 XII 1789, p.485, "On dit que la revolution de France eveille dans le peuple de la republique un veritable espirit de liberte."
*p.22 and vice-versa, Polish public opinion was quite interested in the events in France. Polish king to his representative ([[Filippo Mazzei]]) in France: "Vous n'ignorez pas combien la nation polonaise sympathise avec la francaise et que les nouveles de la France sont toujours attendues et receues ici, avec la plus grande avidite."
*p.22-23: Polish aristocrats in France were not very supportive of the French Revolution, but lesser Polish nobles were members of all important French groups, including the jacobinists
*Poland did not have a very active mission in France, only Mazzei, plans for something more were discussed, eventually there was the mission of [[Feliks Oraczewski]]
*p.48-50 - French public opinion was very interested in goings on in Poland and quite supportive
*but France didn't want to officially support Poland, seeing itself as too weak to engage in a possible war
*p.53 - on his travel through countryside, he mentions encounters with revolutionary armed peasants [...] and critique that Poland will act against France as lackey of Moscow (it is unclear if this critique was levied by peasants); source AGAD, Zb. Pop., rps 418, Nr 104, letter of Oraczewski to King, Nion (Switzerland), 13 VII 1792
*p.64 - more on public opinion in Poland looking favorably at events in France, seen as the role model. During the Great Sejm, on 3 February 1791 for example, a deputy Albin Kazimierz Skórkowski said: "As the desctruction of Bastille brings honor to the French, so the destruction of the Permanent Council brings honor to us."
*1791: arrival of [[Marie Louis Descorches]] in Poland - French diplomatic mission to Poland. He was highly supportive of the Patriotic Faction, but his superiors were more restrained. He was one of the proponents of the (unrealized) French-Polish alliance.
*p.88 - Bonnet on the support of the Polish society for the reforms: "Telle est aujourd'hui l'enthousiasme qui entraine, telle est la concorde qui anime, telle est l'harmnie quui dirige les etats, qu'on ne parait plus appercevoir desormais, les traces du parti oppose, qui avait jusqu'ici, si non retenu, du moins trop longtemps retarde, les operations de la diete." He writes about support from lesser nobility and the burghers.
*p.91 Deschorches notes that French ideas are especially popular among the "Polish youth". Polish official approval of the French Constitution of 1792 was widely reported in French press and met with much approval in France.
*p.94 - more on Polish public opinion and "inhabitants of Warsaw" interest in French events
*p.104 - note of a frequent discussions about Poland in the French Legislature Parliament
*p.107 - note of a French newspaper being printed in Warsaw
*p.114 - note that a Polish public opinion was very interested in French-Austrian relations
*p.118 - note that the French press was very interested in Polish preparations for defense against the Russian invasion
*note on the French volunteers who reported to Oraczewski in Paris to help Poland fight Russia
*p.124 - note by Bonnet on how "middle and lesser nobility" are united to fight against the Russian invaders
*p.128-p.129 - note on the widespread support of British public opinion of Poland, including collecting money to aid Poand, also p.137
*p.130 - on Frech press, politicians and public opinion support for Poland and critique of Russia
*p.139 - near the end of the war, marshal Małachowski started to spend more time on the map of Siberia than on the map of Poland, stating that he suspects that this is where he will soon be forced to resettle permanently
*p.146 - Prussian envoy, Bucholts, describes Deschorches allies as "youth, Frenchmen and women"
*p.153 - Polish public opinion was critical of the Prussian war with France and there were Polish volunteers, including among military officers, for the French Army
*p.154 - note on the growth or pro-French and pro-revolution attitudes among Prussian youth
*p.154 - note on the increase of printed pamphlets against Targowica in Warsaw, and note on other pamphlets imported from abroad, with accusations that they are printed in France
*p.155 - a note on the Russian-inspired bounty in Warsaw to denouce people reading "French pamphlets"
*p.156 - note on the French songs being sung in Warsaw, and French colors being displayed
*p.156 - note on anti-Russian agitation even among the peasants (who are being advised by agitators to refuse to supply Russian army)

====Prussia: Upadek w świetle korespondencji Fryderyka WII z Lucchesinim====
*Kocój, Upadek Konstytucji 3 maja w świetle korespondecji Fryderyka Wiljelma II z posłem pruskim w Warszawie Girolamo Lucchesinim (Fall of 3rd May constitution in the light of Frideric Wilhelm II correspondence with prussian envoy in Warsaw Girolamo Luchesini), 2002
* [[Frederick William II of Prussia]] and [[Girolamo Lucchesini]]
* FWII always prioritized Prussian territorial expansion, and from the very beginning considered how to abolish the Polish-Prussian alliance, restore relations with Russia, and undermine the 3 May constitution, which he saw as dangerous to the Prussian state
* p.10 he argued that the alliance was nullified by the Constitution
* p.11 he pointed out that pro-revolutionary politicians in both Poland and France were too optimistic and carefree. He saw much French influence in Poland.
* p.12 he saw Polish reforms as better and more dangerous to Prussia as French
* p.12-13 he didn't expect the Russian invasion of Poland

====Saxony: Konstytucja w relachach Essena====
*Henryk Kocój, Konstytucja 3 Maja w relacjach posła saskiego Franciszka Essena (3rd May constitution in the letters of Saxsony's envoy Franciszek Essen), Wyd UJ 2000
*correspondence between [[August Franz Essen]] and [[Frederick Augustus I of Saxony]]
*p.9 - argued against FAI assuming the Polish throne
*p.9 - positively commented about lack of violence associated with the changes in Poland
*p.10 - argues that constitution is an intrigue of a tiny minority
*p.18 - notes that troublemaking books are imported from France
*p.20 - notes that some Polish emissaries are stirring peasants, including in borderlands and Russian/Austrian territories
*he was predicting the fall of Poland

====Austria: Obrady Sejmu Wielkiego w świetle relacji posła austriackego====
* Henryk Kocój, Bendedikt de Cache, ''Obrady Sejmu Wielkiego w świetle relacji posła austriackego w Warszawie'', PIW, 1988, ISBN 8301086270
* correspondence between [[Benedikt de Caché]] and [[Wenzel Anton von Kaunitz]]
*p.8 Lepopold II was supportive of the Polish constitution, but Austria wanted to improve relations with Russia, and needed Prussia and Russia support against France
*p.10 note of the influence of Polish democratic ideals on the "inhabitants of Galicia" ("less Galliciens")

===Prussia:Dzialanosc dyplomacji polskiej w Berlinie===
*Maciej Kucharski, Działalnośc dyplomacji polskiej w Berlinie w latach 1788-1792, Katowice, 2000, ISBN 02086336
*overview of historiography about Polish diplomatic missions of that period
*p.9 - era of Great Sejm saw much development and growth in Polish diplomacy, for example, opening of missions in Copenhagen, Dresden, Haga and Madrit
*p.17 - diplomatic mission in Berlin begun in winter 1772
*p.108 - at first, Prussians officially were supportive of the constitituion, although internally they were opposed to it from the very beginning
*p.114 - British diplomat in Berlin, Joseph Ewart, told Polish one that the Prussians are particularly unhappy about Constitutonal provisions granting freedom to peasants settling in Poland, afraid that this created favorable conditions for Prussian peasants (under serfdom) to escape to Poland. Poles also obtained a memo by Ewald Heinrich Hertzberg, who argued that reformed, strong Poland would be a danger to Prussia.
*p. 118 - as of August, there was no reliable German translation of the constitution, and false rumors spread
*overall view of Polish foreign diplomatic efforts is poor (same for the French one by Kocój)

===Łojek: Ku naprawie===
*Jerzy Łojek, Ku naprawie Rzeczpospolitej: konstytucja 3 Maja, Wyd. Interpress, 1988, ISBN 8322323247.
*p.7-8 on the uniqueness of Polish system, which gave representative democracy to up to 10% of the society, notes the problem with liberum veto and consensus vs. majority issues; arguments that Poland was more of a confederation of sovereign states - [[ziemia]] - (hence liberum veto), rather then a federation
*p.51 - "Reforms were to a great extent an outcome of external factors - conflicts, alliances and such - in Europe." also p.77
*p.55-56 - only many months after the fall of Bastille Polish reformers would start to claim connections / sympathies to the French revolutionaries ''but the French did not''. Changes in Poland were so different from those in France that many pointed to the differences, not similarities, between those revolutions. p.113 notes for example the difference in French and Polish kings attitude to the constitution, p.113-114 discusses the public opinion views of Polish events (revolution...) as a counterpoint to the French one. p.114-115 quotes NE (see below) on unrest in France (including peasants) compared to peace in Poland. However p.116 notes that French victory and Polish defeat significantly reversed the European views, since France was a success, and Poland failed.
*p.65-68 - interesting notes on Polish-British and British-Russian foreign relations, about potential Prussian/British/Polish war against Russia
*p.67 in March-May 1791 European public opnion was more concerned with the Prussian/British/Polish? - Russian war then with the French revolution
*p.78- on cities. p.79 cities Tadeusz Korzon that there was about .5m of burghers with "national consciousness", and they were better educated then szlachta. Notes Hugo Kołlątaj and Jan Dekert inspired 24 November 1789 ''Akt zjednoczenia miast'', 2 December 1798 [[Black Procession]] (''Czarna procesja'') - demonstration! - procession through the city delivering petition to the king. Despite criticism from many of szlachta, the procession is also credited with creating the image of the cities as a real force, and Great Sejm decided to create a "commission for the cities" (deputacja w sprawie miast). Notes rise in brochures discussing this issue. Interestingly (p.80-81) many opponents of the constitution were supportive of enfranchisement of the burghers. The opposition project, more generous then the original one, was passed as the ''Miasta nasze królewsie...''.
*p.82 - notes that around 3 May Warsaw expected to hear news of the Prussian-Russian war
*p.87 - on the day of the 3 may, notes crowds of burghers, agitated by the speakers of the Patriotic Party
*p.97 - notes disfranchisement of poor nobility, intended to weaken magnates that bought their votes, but in fact anti-democratic
*p.100 - notes that Staszic wrote many pamphlets about the poor conditions of the peasantry
*p.101 - '''Constitution gave hopes to the peasants; in places where peasant leaders misinterpreted the constitution as abolishing serfdom, in summer 1791 unrest rose, requiring in some cases dispatching troops to quell them. Refusals to carry on serfdom duties were so common that they became a country-wide problem.'''
** Interesting that this was a ''reaction'' to the constitution
*p.101-102 - notes the reprecussions of granting liberty to foreign peasants, including a great increase in peasants who escaped abroad only to return to Poland as "foreign peasants" after a short period. Notes also that it was one of the more problematic parts of the constitution as seen by Russia, which was afraid of peasant escaping to Poland. Catherine said: "...half of the peasants of Belarus would move to Poland, and rest would be confused." Also notes that in the second half of the XVIII century peasants escapes from Russia to Poland was common, as conditions in Poland were better then in Russia (note: I have a better ref on that in needed)
*p.103-104 - notes the uniqueness of the article that ''required'' periodical revisions and updates to the constitution (theoretically, everything could be changed!)
*p.113 - notes that "international newspapers of Europe" (~20 French-language newspapers published mostly outside France, in Netherlands and Germany) widely discussed and popularized info on the constitution. Most important of them was the "[[Nouvelles Extraordinaires de Divers Endroits]]" published in Leiden fro 1660-1798 (in 10,000 issues, and found from Moscow and Istanbul to Madrit and USA, according to p.116). Second was the "Courier du Bas-Rhin" from Kliwia in Germany. On 1 July NE praised Polish events and criticized French ones. The newspaper published the full text of the constitution.
*p.117 - notes great reception of the constitution in UK, including in popular press, and praise by Edmund Burke (who stressed peaceful way of the Polish revolution)
*p.117 - notes the Italian translation of 1792/1793 in Florence, notes that there were "many other translations throughout Europe" but there is no work discussing them
*p.121 - notes strong support of Emeperor Leopold II of Austria for the Constitution
*p.131 - notes common meetings held in Warsaw between burghers and nobility, declaring common causes and solidarity, in May, after the constitution passed
*p.137 - notes that the opposition to the constitution, centered on the Russian embassy and hetman Branicki, numbered about 30 deputies and represented about 10% of Polish public opinion. Notes that there were others who were unhappy with the constitution, but refused to ally themselves with Branicki, [[Jerzy Czartoryski]] for example said: "I dislike the constitution, but I consider anybody who will cause unrest in the country a bandit."
*p.138-139 - Branicki planned to kidnap the king and force him to sign an act denoucing the constitution which caused much uproar in Warsaw
*p.141 notes gives a novel argument for the Russian part of the partition: not reasons of the state, but desire of private individuals to get Polish lands, and the rise of 19t century Russian land magnates on the Polish partitioned lands
*p.142-143 - [[sejmik]]s of February 1792 approved the constitution, not a single one denounced it, showing support of the masses (of nobility)
*p.163 - Russian response to Polish constitution was read in Warsaw on May 18 (so information passage from Warsaw to St. Petersburgh was about a week)
*p.165 - [[Ludwig von Wurtemberg]], a mercenary in command of the northern (Lithuanian) army, betrayed Poland from the start, sabotaging his orders and secretly informing Russia he has no intention of carrying out his orders
*p.166 - the war showed that Polish troops are better organized and trained then Russian; Poniatowski was redying for a major battle (he had 40,000 troops, including fresh 9,000 ''gwardia'') but the battle never occurred due to king's capitulation
*p.177-178 discuss the king Poniatowski - Empress Catherine letter of 22 June 1792, proposing an interesting alliance
*p.187 - Poniatowski's access to Targowica was seen with contempt even in Russia
*p.197-198 - notes changing perception of the Constitituion in the nation, creation of its legend, how its very memory was censored by the Russian partitioners
*p.199-200 notes that the archive of the Great Sejm were moved to St. Petersburgh in 1795, and only some were returned to Poland in 1960s. Following pages discuss more source materials and historiography
*p.213 mentions the existence of pamphlets about peasant issues: 5 tomes of ''Matriały do dzieła Sejmu Czteroletniego'' from 1950s

===Łojek: Geneza i obalenie===
*Jerzy Łojek, Geneza i obalenie konstytucji 3 Maja, Wydawnictwo Lubelskie, 1986, ISBN 8322203136. Also covers foreign relations of the Commonwealth 1787-1992
*on political opportunity: p.23 - in addition to Russian-Ottoman War, there was a [[Russo-Swedish War (1788–1790)]], but they were both seen in Poland (and Europe) as less important than highly expected war between United Kingdom, Prussia and Netherlands (the [[Triple Alliance (1788)]]) and Russia.
**notes on the excellence of Russian diplomacy, which undermined the Triple Alliance, and how Russians have penetrated (bribed? blackmailed?) British politics of that era, engineering the British parliament crisis
* some names: Halles - British envoy to ?, Reede - British envoy to Netherlands, [[Charles Whitworth, 1st Earl Whitworth]] - British envoy to Russia, [[Semyon Vorontsov]] - Russian envoy to Britain, Stiepan Kołyczew - Russian diplomat, [[Michał Kleofas Ogiński]] - Polish diplomat to Britain, working for the Russians
*p.130 - Prussia and Prussian king were expecting this alliance to come through and were surprised and annoyed when it didn't
*p.23, p.32 - from mid-1780s there was a growing and strong demand by Polish public opinion for reforms. "Do or don't, Poland was damned."
*p.26 - there were discussions of Polish alliance with Russia, but Russia did not want to ally itself closer with Poland and thus recognize Poland as a sovereign country
*p.33 - failure of Poland to recognize that the alliance with Prussia was temporary
*note that the time of a courier to travel from Warsaw to London was ~15 days
*p.103-104 - note on the Cossack unrest against the Russian Empire, and Cossack feelings whether Poland or Prussia would come to the aid of their uprising. See [[Antoni Zabłocki]] (Polish diplomat in the region), [[Vasily Kapnist]] (Cossack envoy to Prussia). Notes that this issue is "mostly unknown even to Russian historiography"
*p.152+ - interesting discussion of the Stronnictwo Patriotyczne
*p.154 - notes involvement of middle and lesser nobility and burghers in politics (nothing on peasants)
*p.157 - [[Klub Przyjaciół Konstytucji]] - discusses how it is incorrectly seen as the first Polish political party (and a proto-Jacobin party)
*p.172-173 - discussion of irrationality of Russian foreign state policy, which was less for the state but more for the powerful individuals who currently held positions of authority
*p.180-181 - on the great man theory - how the decisions or fate of some individuals were crucial to the future events. [[Grigory Potyomkin]] demanded invasion of Poland, but was blocked by [[Platon Zubov]], so as long as he lived, Russia, ironically, would not invade Poland. When he died, Zubov usurped his plan to invade Poland and this became the Russian policy. More exampes: death of [[Leopold II, Holy Roman Emperor]], supporter of the constitution, and betrayal of Michał Ogiński, who ruined the chances for Polish-British alliance.
*p.183 - notes that there were few opponents in Sejm of the Constitution
*p.189 - notes the support of burghers of Warsaw for the Constitution,
*p.206 - another note on the failure of the Polish diplomacy, this time to form an alliance with Austria, which was friendly to Poland till the death of Leopold
*p.265 - woroncow, the leading figure of contemporary Russian diplomacy, was in favor of the C3M
*p.264 - Russian public opinion had much contempot for the Polish Targowica traitors
*names of important Russian politicians: [[Alexander Bezborodko]] (in favor of dealing in Poland), replaced by [[Arkadiy Ivanovich Morkov]] (who wanted to attack Poland)
*p.307 - discusses the issue of (not created) burghers militia; the burghers had the will but some nobles and the king were afraid of them
*p.380 - European public opnion towards Poland, p.382 mentions much support in UK, including officers volunteering and money collection
*p.421 - mentions unrest in Warsaw after the capitulation, burghers and nobility were close to rioting, and the army was unhappy
*p.293, p.402 - on the War in Defense of the Constitution

===The Linguistic Image of the Peasant in Journalistic Texts at the End of the 18th Century===
* Jaworski, Józef; ''Językowy obraz chłopa (rolnika, włościanina) w tekstach publicystycznych końca XVIII w.'' [The Linguistic Image of the Peasant in Journalistic Texts at the End of the 18th Century], Polish Language (1/2007), Pages: 55-65, [http://www.ceeol.com/aspx/issuedetails.aspx?issueid=0ec9bbd7-c1a3-40f3-8daa-2a7b43ed39ae&articleId=2450732b-1a1b-4828-97d9-c27b8f3cfa96]
* Abstract: Among the peasant’s characteristics, there is an overall predominance of positive traits like diligence, perseverance, patriotism, decisiveness, determination and valour in military actions; the negative traits relating to vices like drunkenness and conservatism. These traits, highlighted in particular configurations, constitute a relatively complete conceptual model (gestalt) of the peasant – considered here in the perspective of the journalistic texts from the end of the 18th century.
* notes that the issue of peasants was often discussed in contemporary publications, for example in [[Monitor (Polish newspaper)]]
* many members of Great Sejm were interested in it, such as [[Józef Pawlikowski]], impoverished noble whose father was a smith

===Wewnętrzne dzieje - Korzon===
*"Wewnętrzne dzieje Polski za Stanisława Augusta: (1764-1794) badania historyczne ze stanowiska ekonomicznego i administracyjnego" 1897 Kraków Korzon Tadeusz wydanie Akademii Umiejętności w Krakowie, also online [www.rebkow.za.pl/wewnetrzne.htm], [www.rebkow.za.pl/buntchop.htm]
*notes the unrest among peasants AFTEr the passage of the constitution, notes activity of "agitators" among peasants, notes that news of the French Revolution have spread to peasants, which were mentioning France in their discussions
*peasants were under the impression that the constitution made them free
*there was little violence, peasant leaders were sentenced to flagellation and/or public humiliation
*nonetheless, Korzon notes that those events were relatively rare

===Literary activities and attitudes in the Stanislavian age in Poland (1764-1795)===
*Jan IJ. van der Meer, [http://books.google.com/books?id=-98Z_F7SWroC&hl=pl Literary activities and attitudes in the Stanislavian age in Poland (1764-1795)], Rodopi, 2002, [ISBN 9042009330
*p.84 notes limited access peasants had to literacy
*p.151: "After subtracting certain whole classes (the uniate clergy, Jews, tenant farmers, and peasants), and an estimated percentage of women, children, and men who were either illiterate or did not have the level of education Łojek arrives at the conclusion that approximately 2.25% of the population or 196,00 people were potential readersof journals and papers in 1791." He further estimates that 80% of newspapers and journals were bought by residents of Warsaw (this presumably also includes local nobles, not only burghers).
*p.156 - notes that farmers were "predominantly illiterate"
*p.205 - notes that the petty nobility had little interest in literacy (note from p.154: rich nobility - 318.000 (3.6%). lower nobility or gentry with land (yeomen) or without land - 407000 (4.6%), Catholic clergy (including the orders) - 10.000 (0.1%), uniate clergy with families - 40000 (0.5%), Christian middle class (burghers) - 500.000 (5.7%), Jews - 900000 ( 10.2%), Tatars - 50000 (0.6%), tenant farmers and peasants • 6.565.000 (74.7%))

===Historia gospodarcza Polski===
*Andrzej Jezierski, Cecylia Leszczyńska
*p.77 - notes that while Poland was peaceful, there was constant unrest in Ukraine, and that in 1788 there was a small peasant uprising at Pohrebysk (source. T. Korzon, ''Odrodzenie w upadku'', str. 107

=== Everyday forms of peasant resistance ===
*Jacek Kochanowicz, ''Between Submission and Violence: Peasant Resistance in the Polish Manorial Economy of the Eighteenth Century'' in Forrest D. Colburn (ed.), ''Everyday forms of peasant resistance'', M.E. Sharpe, 1989 ISBN 0873326229 ([http://books.google.com/books?id=-DEKnN9klpEC&hl=pl GPrint] and [http://books.google.com/books?id=f6RGpe1mjzQC&hl=pl mirror])
* p.55 - notes the difference between passive Polish peasants and more active and violent Cossacks (military frontiersmen); notes rebellions in Ukraine in 18th century ([[Haidamaka]], although the last major one, [[Koliyivschyna]], was in 1768)
* p.55 - "There were no peasant insurrections in Poland" (but he doesn't define insurrections, and writes that there were "many local rebellions" - defining them to include non-violent forms of protest)
* p.56 - notes that there were less rebellions in 18th century then in 17th
* p.57 - notes that the peasants were generally illiterate

=== Socjologia wsi polskiej ===
*Izabella Bukraba-Rylska, Socjologia wsi polskiej, PWN, 2008, ISBN: 978-83-01-15530-8
*p.119 - notes that petitions (''supliki'') were one of the most common forms of peasant protest

=== Odrodzenie w upadku ===
* p.109 - notes passivity and obedience as common traits of Polish peaasants, contrasts them with violent and militant Ukranian ones
* p.109 - notes that nobility was overestimating and overreacting to gossip about peasants uprising
* p.115-120 - discussion of individual pro-peasant reforms of nobles

=== Historia chłopów polskich - Świętochowski ===
*Świętochowski - Historia chłopów polskich w zarysie
*p.299-300 - notes the difference in resistance forms of Polish (passive) and Ukrainian (active) peasants
*p.303-310 - discussion of petitions, notes the ''suplika tarczyńska'' of 1767 and ''suplika płaczliwa'' of 1789; the latter asked the Great Sejm to defend the peasants against the abuses of the nobility (common theme); only a few petitions asked for larger reforms and political representations
*p.308 - notes that more elaborate petitions were likely written by/with the aid of non-peasants (nobility?)
*p.308 - notes that the period of Great Sejm gave hope to peasants and resulted in larger number of written petitions (which were not very effective)
*p.324 - examples of individual noble reformers
*p.334 - examples of polemics, prints, and such written for the peasant cause, notes that a few said to be written by the peasants but most likely weren't
*p.395 - notes that the Great Sejm overall didn't prioritize the issues of peasantry
*p.397 - notes that the Sejm however paid attention to fears and gossip of possible peasant revolution, particularly in Ukraine

=== Historia chłopów polskich - Inglot ===
*Historia chłopów polskich / pod red. Stefana Inglota ; [aut.] Jan Borkowski [et al.]. - Wrocław : Wydaw. Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego , 1992
*p.85 - most peasant rebellions in PLC were in Ukraine, and often connected to the Cossacks - militant and never broken to serfdom
*p.92-93 - notes that the peasants supported PLC in military conflict, even if they were not promised much in return, which can be taken as a sign of their existing/growing national consciousness
*p.101-103 - notes that the illiteracy among peasants increased in late 18th century with the spread of the edicational network of [[Komisja Edukacji Narodowej]] but also notes that this was mostly limited to Catholic peasantry - there was little effort to create educational networks among Orthodox peasantry

=== Powstania chłopskie na ziemiach dawnej Rzeczypospolitej ===
*Powstania chłopskie na ziemiach dawnej Rzeczypospolitej / B. Baranowski. - Warszawa : Wydawnictwo Ministerstwa Obrony Narodowej, 1952
* p.73-74 - notes the ''suplika tarczyńska''
* p.79 - notes that peasants had knowledge of France (but as always, instances are given, not enough proof to say that this knowledge was widespread)
* p.80 - notes that there was some unrest in the years of the Great Sejm (but nothing very significant)

=== Walka chłopów z uciskiem szlacheckim w Polsce w XVII i XVIII wieku ===
*Walka chłopów z uciskiem szlacheckim w Polsce w XVII i XVIII wieku : dokumentacja historyczna do mapy znajdującej się na wystawie "Historia wsi" w Muzeum Etnograficznym w Krakowie / Władysław Bogatyński. - Kraków : Muzeum Etnograficzne, 1955.
*p.54 - draws a link between ''suplika tarczyńska'' and haidamak's revolution
*p.62 - notes that some Polish peasants knew about France
*p.73 - notes that the center of peasant insurrections in PLC was in south-east - Podhale/Tatry, Subcarpathia, Eastern Borderlands - Ukraine, Volhynia, Poldasie, Belarus
*p.95 - gives dates of notable peasant rebellions: 1630-1633, 1648-1654, 1670, 1751, 1753, 1755 1758-1759, 1763, 1768-1769, 1784-1788, 1789

===Notes===
*on peasants in Constitution: "pod opiekę prawa i rządu krajowego"

===McNeil===
* Polyethnicity and National Unity
* p.46-47: argues that the reason why there was no revolution in Poland (he speaks more generally of non-West) was lower population density, thus less incentive for the peasants to demand change due to them running out of land to farm

===Questions===
* lack of pressure from below (till Kosciuszko in 1794) - elites only? Staszic was not a noble...
* reception of the constitution abroad
* France, UK, USA, Russia, Austria, Prussia, HRE, Spain, Italy...?
* foreign travels, connections, education, and influences of people close to the constitution-making process
* how widespread was the knowledge of French throughout Polish nobility and burghers?

===to research===
* wieś polska a rewolucja francuska

===Comments on essay===
*"what is striking about the case of the precocious Polish constitution is the apparent absence of significant pressures from below" - we need to define the "below". It is my understanding that this is used to meant peasantry, but without def it can be misleading in some context. Some (Łojek) note that there was pressure from general public opinion (nobility, burghers). But indeed the peasant masses (~75%) didn't seem to be ''significantly'' more active
*"The Polish elite were not bowing to popular pressure" - according to Łojek, they were - the popular pressure ''from nobility'' (mostly) to "do something"
*"the Second Partition, on the other hand -- itself triggered by those elite reforms generally and the constiution in particular -- set in motion important plebian mobilizations, some self-activated" - I don't recall much self-motivated mobilizations; the primary one was the [[Proclamation of Połaniec]] of Kościuszko
*"not under any significant pressure from below before the plebian mobilizations of 1794" - indeed seems correct
*"the threat of destruction of a Polish state surrounded by powerful neighbors capable of acting in concert against a Poland lacking in useful allies" - note quite. Not all neighbors were always hostile (although all took part in the 1st Partition); and Poland had a chance to get allies, plus many thought that Prussia was an ally...
*

Revision as of 17:31, 26 April 2010

Methodology

Ragin

  • Ragin, Constructing Social Research:1) social research - interplay between evidence and ideas 2) consists of a) analysis of a movement (involves its deconstruction into elements, also analysis of non-participants as well as particiapants) and b) synthesis of evidence (see which elements are similar) 3) analytic frame - key concept 4) four building blocs of social research: ideas, evidence, analytical frame, images 5) be selective in chosing your evidence 6) images a) are idealization of real cases (ideal types?) b) imply explanations c) are guides for further research 7) challenge of social research: clear specification of ideas, rigorus examintation of evidence, 8) in qualitative research, frames are flexible (can be changed) 9) qualitative research process: selecting cases and sites, use of sensitizing (early) concepts, claryfing cases and categories, 10) qualitative is about fewer, but enhanced data 11) Analytic induction - systematic examination of similarities that seeks to develop concepts or ideas (look for similarities, develop a subcategory for them from a higher category) 12) study of a single case 13) data condensers vs data enhancers 14) analytic induction and theoretical sampling

Tylor and Bogdan

  • Steven J. Taylor, Robert Bogdan Introduction to qualitative research methods
    • Ch1. history. methodology
      • qualitative researchers are concerned with meanings people attach to their lives
      • qualitative research is inductive
      • qual met is holistic: people/settings/etc. are not reduced to variables but looked upon as a whole
      • qual res are concerned with how people think and act in their everyday lives
      • all perspectives are worthy of study (of judge but also of deliquent)
      • qual res emphasise validity (meaningfullness, relevance to empirical world)
      • qual res is flexible
    • sociological perspectives
      • phenomenological perspectives (phenomenology) - view human behavior as products of their definitions of their world. The task or research is to capture how people construct realities. Subperspectives:
        • symbolic interactionism: Charles Horton Cooley, John Dewey, George Herbert Mead, Robert Park, W.I. Thomas and others. Primary importance on the social meanings people attach to the world around them. Blumer premises: 1) people acts towards other people (things, etc.) based on the meanings those people (things, etc.) have for them 2) meanings arise in interaction (are not inherent to objects) 3) meanings are attached through interpretation
        • ethnomethodology - Harold Garfinkel. Refers to subject method of study: how people maintain the sense of external reality. Meanings are ambigious and problematic. Researchers analyze the ways people apply rules and understandings in specific situations to make them clear. Examine the common sense. Note that some researchers link et. to s.i., while others don't.
        • feminist research
        • postmodernism - reject the Enlight. faith in reason, rationality and progress. Challenges science, examines axioms. Popular withing philosophy (Foucault).

Sociological theory

Marcuse: Eros and civilization

  • Herbert Marcuse, Eros and civilization: social meaning of biology - history of not class struggle, but fight against repression
    • He begins with the conflict postulated by Freud in Civilisation and Its Discontents between human instincts and the necessary repression brought on by the socially-acquired conscience (or superego). Freud claimed that the history of man is the history of his repression and that 'Our civilisation is, generally speaking, founded on the suppression of instincts.' Sublimation of sex produces the energy for progress, and the price of progress is the substitution of guilt for happiness. Freud thought that this was due to an inevitable biological clash between Eros and civilisation. Marcuse argues that 'the irreconcilable conflict is not between work (reality principle) and Eros (pleasure principle), but between alienated labour (performance principle) and Eros.' He believes that a socialist society could engender 'non-alienated libidinal work', 'a non-repressive civilisation based on 'non-repressive sublimation'. The argument depends on the theses that instincts are subject to historical modification and that repression is largely an historical phenomenon. Marcuse concludes that biological repression itself is not the problem but that our troubles stem from the additional 'surplus repression' produced by the specific historical institutions of our own period. The result is that Freud is converted in to a sort of eroticised Marx.[1]
    • Freud claimed that the human civilization was, founded on the suppression of instincts. Sex in any form produces the energy for progress and the price of it (since Enlightenment) always was loosing part of happiness to guilt. Freud thought that this was because of the inevitable biological clash between Sex and civilization. Marcuse sees Sex as part of civilization and argues that 'the conflict is not between work [life without leisure] and Sex [leisure and pleasure], but between performance and Sex.' Sex is allowed for managers, or for workers outside sex industry when not disturbing performance. Marcuse believes that a socialist society could be a society without needing the performance of the 'poor' and without suppression. For him biological repression itself is not the problem but the extra repression, coming from historical institutions of our own period. Marcuse unlike Marx doesn't use the abstract division Poor and Rich, but the Common Sense observation Older less flexible and Younger curious. [2]
    • Intro
      • The sacrifice has paid off well: in the technically advanced areas of civilization, the conquest of nature is practically complete, and more needs of a greater number of people are fulfilled than ever before. Neither the mechanization and standardization of life, nor the mental impoverishment, nor the growing destructiveness of present-day progress provides sufficient ground for questioning the “principle” which has governed the progress of Western civilization. The continual increase of productivity makes constantly more realistic the promise of an even better life for all.
      • Does the interrelation between freedom and repression, productivity and destruction, domination and progress, really constitute the principle of civilization? Or does this interrelation result only from a specific historical organization of human existence? In Freudian terms, is the conflict between pleasure principle and reality principle irreconcilable to such a degree that it necessitates the repressive transformation of man’s instinctual structure? Or does it allow the concept of a non-repressive civilization, based on a fundamentally different experience of being, a fundamentally different relation between man and nature, and fundamentally different existential relations?
    • Chap.1
      • If absence from repression is the archetype of freedom, then civilization is the struggle against this freedom.
      • The notion that a non-repressive civilization is impossible is a cornerstone of Freudian theory.
      • Freud’s metapsychology is an ever-renewed attempt to uncover, and to question, the terrible necessity of the inner connection between civilization and barbarism, progress and suffering, freedom and unhappiness — a connection which reveals itself ultimately as that between Eros and Thanatos. Freud questions culture not from a romanticist or utopian point of view, but on the ground of the suffering and misery which its implementation involves.
      • Throughout the world of industrial civilization, the domination of man by man is growing in scope and efficiency. Nor does this trend appear as an incidental, transitory regression on the road to progress. Concentration camps, mass exterminations, world wars, and atom bombs are no “relapse into barbarism,” but the unrepressed implementation of the achievements of modern science, technology, and domination. And the most effective subjugation and destruction of man by man takes place at the height of civilization, when the material and intellectual attainments of mankind seem to allow the creation of a truly free world.
    • Chap.2
      • "the struggle for existence takes place in the world too poor for the satisfaction of the human need without constant restrain, renounciation and denial" (p.35) thus the need for work
      • Marcuse argues for fallacy: it's not scarcity per se, but organization of thereof (capitalism?). No distribution according to needs, but to power.
      • "Domination is excercised by a particular group or individual in order to sustain and enhance itself in a priviliged position."
      • Progress is a byproduct of preserving scarcity
      • stages of civilization implies social evolutionist view
      • "such restrictions of the instics might have been enforced by scarcity (...) but they have became a privilige and distinction of man"
      • "scarcity has been intensified by the hierarchical division of labor"
      • performance principle - economic stratification
      • little free time (alienated labor)
    • Ch10
      • In Marxist Utopia, will we be sex maniacs?

Foucault

  • Michael Foucault
    • Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison studies how prisons specifically, but really all institutions of coercion schools, armies, etc.) developed. Prison is a form used by the "disciplines", a new technological power, which can also be found, according to Foucault, in schools, hospitals, military barracks, etc.
    • Just around the time of Damien's execution, though, an important series of challenges occurred. The crowds became increasingly unruly, sometimes chasing off the executioner and carrying the criminal away in triumph. Faced with this type of disobedience, the sovereign had to respond with ever-increasing displays of power, and the possibility of full rebellion came to hover over every punishment, Clearly, a new solution was needed. - consider Tilly, social movements
    • The solution was found in the new methods of production revolutionizing the Western world. The modern prison is an even more complete exercise of power than the spectacle of the gallows. The transition from torture to control as a means of punishment represents a massive shift in systematic uses of power and authority within society. Foucault analyzes the Industrial Revolution in terms of its production of "docile bodies" conditioned to their role in the rapidly technologizing society. Foucault calls this production the science of discipline; its main principles are spatialization, complete control of activity, repetition, detailed hierarchies, and normalizing judgments. All of these combine to create self-reinforcing systems of power and control. Each level looks to the one above it for knowledge or direction. The subject gaze of the lower also controls those above by reinforcing their role as knowledge providers. In this sense, powers is not simply the control exerted by elites upon the masses but a whole network of interlocking conditions and coercions; power is not directed by elites, flowing top to bottom, but is localized in institutions.
    • Foucault 'DP' begins in a way Hitchock would've be proud for: with the detaile description of an 18th century execution of Robert-François Damiens, "The flesh will be torn from his breasts, arms, thighs, and calves with red-hot pincers"
    • Humanist schemes such as Jeremy Bentham's `Panopticon' promised to end criminality and provide surefire ways of `grinding rogues good', but they were not acted upon. For example, in the modern prison there is no attempt to instill an automatic association between particular crimes and particular punishments. Incarceration has become the common answer to everything, varying in length but not greatly in character. Prison discipline has been drawn from a collection of diverse tactics rather than a single overarching rationality. It was through the disciplines of the barracks, the workshop, the schoolroom and the hospital, that the modern prison system became possible.
    • One important consequence of this fragmentary logic is that there is no serious possibility of the prison system reducing overall levels of criminality (it operates according to principles which ensure that it “…cannot fail to produce delinquents.”). Punishment is not geared towards the production of Bentham's new model citizens, it tends instead to function as a school for crime, taking in offenders and grinding out delinquents. Failure was built in from the start. But here Foucault asks an important question: what is served by this failure? He answers by pointing to the production of a seemingly marginal, but supervised milieu of criminals. Such delinquency allows illegality to be localized and it allows the criminal group to be used by the justice system in order to survey the entire social field. Criminality becomes an instrument of power. In addition, crime becomes gauged by degrees of anomaly and normality. The disciplinary society -- the school, the court, the asylum and the prison -- is set in a struggle against all forms of anomaly. Prison grinds society uniform.
    • Foucault argues that this theory of "gentle" punishment represented the first step away from the excessive force of the sovereign, and towards more generalized and controlled means of punishment. But, he suggests that the shift towards prison which followed was the result of a new "technology" and ontology for the body being developed in the 18th century, the "technology" of discipline, and the ontology of "man as machine".
    • Historically, the process by which the bourgeoisie became in the course of the eighteenth century the politically dominant class was masked by the establishment of an explicit, coded and formally egalitarian juridical framework, made possible by the organization of a parliamentary, representative regime. But the development and generalization of disciplinary mechanisms constituted the other, dark side of these processes. The general juridical form that guaranteed a system of rights that were egalitarian in principle was supported by these tiny, everyday, physical mechanisms, by all those systems of micro-power that are essentially non-egalitarian and assymetrical that we call the disciplines. (p.222)
    • Foucault thus suggests that discipline creates "docile bodies", ideal for the new economics, politics and warfare of the modern age - bodies which function in factories, ordered military regiments, and school classrooms.
    • These changes, where a coercive institution replaces the city of punishment, arose from a definite change in the mechanisms of power and technology. The emphasis on representations, coupling of ideas, and the person of the criminal gives way to one focused on the body and 'soul', on training mechanisms, on the manipulation of the individual. The goal is to generate an obedient subject who obeys and responds automatically. This does not require spectacle. It does, however require total power over that person, omnipresent and enforced automatically. This can and must be secret and private, although there is a risk that arbitrary despotism will return.
    • Question: in a society where power is less centralised, prisons are more likely to exist?
    • "Is it surprising that prisons resemble factories, schools, barracks, hospitals, which all resemble prisons?" One of the central points of Foucault's discussion of the carceral system is that the form of discipline associated with the modern prison is not contained within prison walls, but derives from the society beyond those walls. The mechanisms of control, examination and classification operate within all the institutions that Foucault discusses. Indeed, power in its various forms flows through all of them. Prisons resemble these other institutions not just because they have similar architecture, but because they all fulfill similar functions.

Giddens

  • Anthony Giddens
    • outsider to social theory
    • power:
      • In rules, Giddens emphasised the social constructs of power, modernity and institutions, defining sociology as "the study of social institutions brought into being by the industrial transformation of the past two or three centuries."
      • Most directly then, space does more than provide the "settings of interaction" (Giddens, 1984); it itself is a fundamental constituent of knowledge/power regimes. The point to draw from these various comments is that in order to understand something like continuing education in the professions we have to map a geography of it as a set of social practices, a human geography in which power is created, enacted, altered. In Giddens’ view, the very framework of our social lives, modernity, is fundamentally shaped by different sense of space and time than in pre-modern times.
      • The study of power is not a secondary consideration for social science. Power is means to ends, and hence is directly involved in the actions of every person (theory of structuration)

Habermas and the Public Sphere

  • lifeworld is the world as it immediately presents itself to us prior to scientific or philosophical analysis. It is an enviroment made by practices and attitudes, a realm of informal culturally grounded understandings and mutual acommodations. In the lifeworld, individuals draw from custom and cultural traditions to construct identities, negotiate situational definitions, coordinate action and create social solidarity.
  • relation between the philosophy of law and political theory. Law, Habermas says, is the primary medium of social integration in modern society. Law, in the first place, is power: it is a coercive instrument, linked with violence, that extracts obedience and common behavior from its subjects because of its claim to the power of enforcement. But power alone does not grant law its legitimacy. It is also based on a normative claim. In modern society, law derives its validity from consent, the consent of the governed.
  • power: Habermas's treatment of the role and meaning of the concept of "power", as it was elaborated in his two previous volumes, "The Theory of Communicative Action" and "Moral Consciousness and Communicative Action", has therefore undergone some significant changes in this book. The revised notion of "power" as a positive influence that is produced in communicative space, runs contrary to Habermas's original concept of "power" in his "Theory of Communicative Action" where power was understood as a coercive force that had to be avoided in order for the discursive situation to prevail.
  • medium of law which gives legitimacy to the political order and provides it with its binding force. Legitimate law-making itself is generated through a procedure of public opinion and will-formation that produces communicative power.
  • public sphere contrasts with the private sphere, and is the part of life in which one is interacting with others and with society at large. Much of the thought about the public sphere relates to the concept of identity and identity politics.
  • The public sphere is the “place” where free citizens come

together to freely deliberate political thought, contemporary affairs, and public policy.

  • history and 18th century successes
  • decline As early as the 1960’s, Habermas asserted that the public sphere has undergone a

significant shift in its ability to provide an open forum for content-focused discourse and expressed his concern that mass-media was shaping the public opinion. In his magnum opus of Theory of Communicative Action (1984) he criticized the one-side process of modernization led by forces of economic and administrative rationalization. Habermas traced the growing intervention of formal systems in our everyday lives as pararell to development of the welfare state, corporate capitalism and culture of mass consumption. These reinforcing trends rationalize widening areas of public life, submiting them to generalizing logic of efficiency and control. As routinized political parties and interests groups substitute for participatory democracy, society is increasingly administered at a level remote from input of citizens. As a result, boundaries between public and private, the individual and society, the system and the lifeworld are deteriorating.

  • In his view, the idea of the public sphere involved the notion that private entities would draw together as a public entity and engage in rational deliberation, ultimately making decisions that would influence the state. As a historical formation, the public sphere involved a "space" separated from family life, the business world, and the state.
  • Democratic public life only thrives where institutions enable citizens to debate matter of public importance. He describes an ideal type of "ideal speech situation", where actors are equally endowed with the capacities of discource, recognize each other's basic social equality and in which their speech is completly undistorted by idealogy or midrecognition.
  • Habermas is optimistic about the possibilty of the revival of the public sphere. He sees hope for the future in the new era of political community that transcends the national state based on ethnic and cultural likeness for one based on the equal rights and obligations of legally vested citizens. This discoursive theory of democracy requires the political community which can collectively define its political will and implement it as policy at the level of the legislative system. This political system requires an activist public spehere, where matters of common interest and political issues can be discussed, and the force of public opinion can influence the decision making process.
  • public shpere and the net?

Auctions

  • Auctions:
    • 3 community (group indentity - dress code - knowlege less for success, more for community feel), spontanity, stock market as the exception (buyers don't care about other buyers - duel market. Auctions that maximize fairness (English) are more common then those maximizing bids (English). Creating community is often the job of an auctioneer, with jokes, food, and such - otherwise buyers will be weary. Yet auctions may also increase social relations: selling something to a friend, if he is dissatisfied later, makes it less liekely he will be dissatisfied with the seller. Communal status may be more important then the fair value. Legitimacy: objects are reborn, gain new meaning bestowed by the community.
    • 4 going beyond economics. Social goals and meanings. Fairness is not an economic byproduct, it is a sociological goal from the start. More on legitimacy: Example: car selling (people not complaining about price dumping - auction legitimizes the price as well "we couldn't get more"). Legitimacy of a collective decisions. Justification: others are paying as much (legitimization of inflated price). Reporting of even minor flaws before the auction. Fair price and the pools: avoid bidding wars and underpriced items, buy worse items: "we are not stealing it - we know what's the fair price, we wont underpay but we wont overpay". What is fair differs and reflects the history of a community.

Gaming clubs

Fans, fandom:
  • Scott Thorne, Gordon C. Bruner - 'An exploratory investigation of the characteristics of consumer fanaticism ' - Qualitative Market Research: An International Journal - [3] [4]
  • Matthew Hills - Fan Cultures - general overview of fans and fandom [5] fan cultures book
SF
  • Camille Bacon-Smith - Science Fiction Culture [6] book science fiction culture
Comics
  • Premo Steele, Cassie - Comic Book Culture: Fanboys and True Believers - [7]
    • whether one is a Fanboy or a True Believer, the preferred hangout is the specialty store. Here, as they talk shop, the culture proliferates. They debate among themselves, spread news about the industry, arrange trades, discuss collectibles, and attach themselves to their particular mainstream.
    • Comic store is the most important site for the comic culture. They serve as a kind of cultural clubhouse where fans can spend time being themselves among themselves and other like-minded individuals.
    • Born from the changs in comic distribution they became increasingly popular since 1980s, by the begining of 1990s selling over 80% of comics.
    • They sell other items of interest to fans.
    • Despite all the merchanside, many regulars find that the real reason for patronizing those estabilishments is interaction with people there, including other customers and employees. In this way, the comic store is a centre not only for commerce, but also for culture.
    • Sometimes I think I come here just to talk to my friends instead of to buy comics,” one of Daydreams' regular customers said about the store
    • American society does not respect comics. Supportive environment - reaffirmation.
    • It is not uncommon to find employees having long conversations with customers about...
    • Finding fellowship at the comic shops is important part of their popularity and success.
    • p.8 - female customers
    • For visitors, it can be an alien world. Sense of awe for some newcomers. Moment of epiphany (especially for those already interested in a hobby - note T&B comment on many fans not realizing there is a large fandom out there). The discovery of the comic shop can rekindle childhood interests in adults. Later: Although the store may function as a clubhouse for regular readers, for others it is intimidating and they may find it difficult to get involved (females).
    • Darcy? Sullivan suggests that the comic book store is "a fundamental part of the way in which [fans] interact with the medium"
    • The shop's clientele is limited to a very exclusive group of people. It makes it a cultural place in a way that a general audience store can never be, but prevents many people from becoming a part of that culture.
    • different customers [8]
    • Extreme difficulty in finding the comics without a comic shop, but still managable: comic book culture existed before the comic shops.
Community
  • Community: As Jenkins (Henry Jenkins in Textual Poachers: Television Fans and Participatory Culture[9]) suggests, fans are not a community in a traditional sense. For Rheingold, a community is any cooperative group of people and, according to him, “every cooperative group of people exists in the face of a competitive...
        • Henry Jenkins: example of a complete membership [10]
          • ethnographic account of the media fan community drawing on the works of Michel de Ceteau (model of "poaching," in which an audience appropriates a text for itself).
          • ...considers fandom status as a new form of community, one formed by relations of consumptions and categories of taste. Filk music.
  • Jeffrey A Brown, Black Superheroes, Milestone Comics, and Their Fans, [11] - black superhoroes book
  • P.Zinkiewicz, S. Smith, Sense of Community in Science-Fiction Fandom, Journal of Community Psychology, 30(1), 105-117,
  • Henry Jenkings, Media studis: A Reader:
    • Fandom constitutes an alternative social community.[12]
Anime
  • Fred Patten, Carl Macek - Watching Anime, Reading Manga: 25 Years of Essays and Reviews - manga/anime fans [13] book anime and manga
CCGs
  • J. Patrick Williams, Consumption and Authenticity in the Collectible Games Subculture: collectible games (cardgames), choice, self-identity, commodification online
RPGs
  • Ritual Discourse in Role-Playing Games
  • [14] [15] Gary Fine 1983, book, store and players: [16]
    • books citing Fine: Sara Delamont - Fieldwork in Educational Settings: Methods, Pitfalls and Perspectives - [17]
  • The Journal of Religion and Popular Culture, Role-Playing Games and the Christian Right: Community Formation in Response to a Moral Panic - [18] - Role-Playing Games and the Christian Right: Community Formation in Response to a Moral Panic
  • K Lancaster - The Journal of Popular Culture, 1994 [19]
    • Specialty game and hobby stores thrived
Comp games
  • computer games - gender differences - Sheri Graner-Ray, Sheri Graner Ray, Gender Inclusive Game Design: Expanding the Market [20]
  • computer games - customners come into store with opinions - Alan Gershenfeld, Mark Loparco, Cecilia Barajas, Game Plan: The Insider's Guide to Breaking in and Succeeding in the Computer and Video Game Business [21]
  • game designers, playing game as a kids - career in the industry - Tracy Fullerton, Chris Swain, Steven Hoffman - Game Design Workshop: Designing, Prototyping, and Playtesting Games - [22]
    • There are about 5,000 non-chain game hobby stores in US[23] - small stores privately owned and run by people who love the games (and/or comic books)
    • Hobby games are the domain of males in their teens or twenties who play religiously every week or more. In general these games are extremly complex and and it is not unusual for fans to spend hundreds of dollars a year getting supplements, cards, figuringes or rulebooks for a single game. Hobby games fall into three main categories: roleplaying games, minature games and trading card games.
  • Cybercafes and Cybergames: Virtual and Non-Virtual Spaces for Identity Construction and Social Development - Frank L. Samson - identity construction (online gamers): study of computer and boardgames centers: usually attracted younger student patrons during the early afternoon through late afternoon hours while the late night crowd tended to be much older, ranging from late teens through twenties, thirties, and seemingly middle-aged patrons (see Turkle, Sherry. 1995. Life on the Screen: Identity in the Age of the Internet).
Other
  • Kurt Lancaster - Warlocks and Warpdrive: Contemporary Fantasy Entertainments with Interactive and Virtual Environments [24]

Keywords:

  • hobby+games+community

Rule: skepticism of technological revolutions

  • James B. Rule, Debra L. Gimlin, Sylvia J. Sievers, Computing in organizations: myth and experience, Transaction Publishers, 2002

ISBN 0765801418, [25]

His argument is that people (managers...) have certain positive myths (unfounded expectations) that adopting computer technology will always greatly help them; thus they adopt it without sufficient study with predictable effects of disillusionment. A very interesting observation is that many decision makers (and regular members) tend to overemphasize the impact of computerization; this is certainly a point I want to remember for the final conclusion of my thesis, and for when we consider the possible bias of respondents. He writes on p.119 that "initial adoption of computing appears decisively unrevolutionary" (with the exceptions of a very few organizations which indeed can be drastically transformed - would they be the "interesting outliers" we mentioned?); on p.127 he notes that the changes in organizations will be gradual and slow. I do agree with him - I've always thought that people tend to overstimate the potential of technology in social change (in the short run - years or decades; people also tend to underestimate them in the longer run - ex. several decades). Rule finds, however, (p.125-127) that there seem to be a common pattern that computing technology broadens the vision of organizations (and of their decision-makers), and allows them to do things previously thought impossible, or at the very least, be more efficient and innovative (although he notes, and I certainly agree, that this doesn't translate to "more wise"). He also argues that many studies of the impact of computerization on social change suffer from what I would call spurious effects - in other words, that scholars claim that computers caused change X, when in fact there are other plausible explanations, which enthusiasts of computer technology ignore as possible variables. Overall, while to a certain extent Rule is a skeptic, he is more of a comparative skeptic: i.e. he opposes the use of the term "revolution", by arguing that changes will be slow, but does admit that communication technologies do, over time, result in important changes.

Rogers: diffusion of innovations

  • Everett Rogers, Diffusion of Innovations, [26]
  • how new ideas spread via communication channels over time. Such innovations are initially perceived as uncertain and even risky. To overcome this uncertainty, most people seek out others like themselves who have already adopted the new idea. Thus the diffusion process consists of a few individuals who first adopt an innovation, then spread the word among their circle of acquaintances--a process which typically takes months or years. But there are exceptions: use of the Internet in the 1990s, for example, may have spread more rapidly than any other innovation in the history of humankind. Furthermore, the Internet is changing the very nature of diffusion by decreasing the importance of physical distance between people
  • p.xx - the diffusion of innovations is essentially a social process in which subjectively perceived information about a new idea is communicated from person to person.
  • p.35 - diffusion is a special type of communication concerned with the spread of messages that are perceived as new ideas
  • p.36 - innovation characteristics: relative advantage, compatibility, complexity, trialability, observability
  • p.36 - most individuals evaluate the innovation not on a basis of scientific research but through subjective evaluation of near peers who have adopted the innovation (role models). The more similar those role models are to the observer, the greater their effect.
  • p.37 - adopter categories: innovators, early adopters, early majority, late majority, laggards
  • p.38 - there are optional (by individuals), collective (by a group) and authority (by leaders) innovation decisions
  • p.91 - sociological research stresses how social relationships are involved in the person-to-person spread of new ideas. Example: McAdam works on spread of protesting and organizing techniques via the Freedom Summer
  • p.294 - the innovativeness/needs paradox and the strategy of least resistance: groups that are in most need of innovation often are the last to adopt it (digital divide). Change agents often chose the targets that are most likely to adopt a given innovation (elite clients).
  • p.404 - an organization is a stable system of individuals who work together through a pattern of regularized human relationships to achieve common goals through a hierarchy of ranks and a division of labor.
  • p.405 - a virtual organization is a network of geographically-distant employees linked by electronic communication
  • p.414 - a champion is a charismatic individual who supports the innovation, helping to overcome indifference or resistance to innovations. They can come from the top, middle or bottom of an organization, in all ages and with differing degrees of official power. Anti-champions exist (p.37 - opinion leaders - individuals able to informally influence others)
  • p.434 - innovation in organization: (1) initiation (information gathering/agenda setting and planning/matching) and (2) implementation (redefining/restructuring, clarifying and routinizing)

Qualitative

User:Piotrus/Sandbox/Notes/Qualitative

Social movements

Web participation and media - Shulman

  • [27]
  • Schlosberg David ; Stephen Zavestoski ; Stuart W. Shulman. “Web-Based Technologies, Participation, and the Potential for Deliberation”. Journal of Information Technology & Politics, Volume 4, Issue 1 December 2007 , pages 37 - 55
  • there is little diff between paper and electronic comments
  • there is a major difference between people who use form letters with little modifications and who write their own comments; the latter are much more deliberative. There are technologies promoting both deliberative and non-deliberative comments.
  • conclusion: how technology is designed, and the needs of those designing it, have much impact on the scope of delibration

Wikinomics

  • p.2-3 - transparency fosters trust and networking in businesses;
  • p.9-10 - business releases information risking competitors knowing it to foster free innovation
  • p.11-13 - collaboration WAS small scale; it is large scale now
  • p.15 - as with any revolutions, the demands on individuals, organizations and nations will be intense
  • p.18 - wikinomics is a new art of science of collaboration. It means more than just a new way to create documents. A wiki is more than software; is a metaphor for a new era of collaboration and participation. With peer production we will harness human skill, ingenuity and intelligence more efficiently and effectively" then before
  • p.19 - the new Web (Web 2.0) is abbout communities, participation and peering.
  • will we look at this decade as a turning point in our history?
  • principles of wikinomics:
    • being open - to talent pool outside organization, to sharing previously secret information with others (for example, to facilitate the creation of standards)
    • peering - moving away from the hierarchical structure towards a more horizontal form. There is still variance in authority, and underlying structure, those peer netwerks are quite different from traditional bureaucratic hierarchies
    • sharing - of intellectual property, free licences, pharmaceutics, software, contributing to the commons is not altruism but creates vibrant fundations accelarting growth and innovation everywhere,
    • acting globally -
  • previous technology driven revolutions took more than a acentury to unfold. Today - law of accelarating returns
  • disruptive technology
  • a new kind of economy where firms coexist with millions of individuals who collaborate through various networks and create value
  • organizations who don't adapt - who don't embrace collaboration - will perish (p.33)
  • p.37 - "Net Generation" - baby boom echo - for whom web is a glue that binds their social networks. MySpace, Facebook, Technorati, flickr, they are the future leaders ... p.59 they have a very strong sense of common good and collective social and civic responsibility
  • p.52 more than half of US teens (57%) are content creators ([28]), 2005 data, compared to 44% adults (2004 data) [29]; rougly twice as many teens have posted written material (32% to 17%)
  • new web - from newspaper to canvass
  • folksonomy - tagging - could people tag and rate government pages?
  • p.46 people are increasingly in command
  • they compare TakingITGlobal to UN due to size and membership, note they meet world leaders
  • p.240 - workplaces are being reformed; we are shifting from closed and hierarchical workplaces with rigid employment relationships to increasingly self-organized, distributed, and collaboarative human capital networks that draw knowledge and resources from outside of the organization
  • p.252 - bottom up approach: John Seely Brown, former chief scientist of XEROX, notes "A lot of corporations are using wikis without the top management even knowing it". It usually starts with the organization IT department, and migrates to other places. In Dresden Kleinwort - a German bank - after few months of wiki pilot program, they have dominated the company's intranet, cut down e-mail volume by 75% and meetings by 50%. Tantek Celik, Technocrati's chief technologist, states that in five years "knowledge of wikis will be a required job skill".
  • it used outside IT sector - from banks (DT) through universities ()
  • it is unorthodox and usettling to the older generations
  • Intellipedia - trusting our security to such a new way of thinking
  • the creation of adhocracies will become a norm (p.265)
  • the revolution will be gradual. Shifts in organizational paradigms are slow (p.266)
  • co-innovate with citizens, share resources that were guarded,

Other stuff: Copenhagen Consensus, Tobin tax