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→History: restored whitewashed content that removed the word "rape", please see comments by Kautilya, we can summarize it and point it to some other section. It does not mean we remove content. Let us add details on some other page first so it can be pointed to and then summarize it here. Anyway, the article looks quite long now so it may not be disproportionate.
Tag: Reverted
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isbn=1412921015|page=131|accessdate=27 May 2022}}</ref><ref name="Samaddar2016">{{cite book | author = Ranabir Samaddar | date = 3 March 2016 | title = Government of Peace: Social Governance, Security and the Problematic of Peace | publisher = Routledge | pages = 168– | isbn = 978-1-317-12538-9 | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=Ew2rCwAAQBAJ&pg=PA168}}</ref>
isbn=1412921015|page=131|accessdate=27 May 2022}}</ref><ref name="Samaddar2016">{{cite book | author = Ranabir Samaddar | date = 3 March 2016 | title = Government of Peace: Social Governance, Security and the Problematic of Peace | publisher = Routledge | pages = 168– | isbn = 978-1-317-12538-9 | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=Ew2rCwAAQBAJ&pg=PA168}}</ref>


{{Undue weight section|reason= ''Given that the article is short , a large section on rape is not needed. Perhaps we can keep all the sources but reduce it to two lines.''|date=June 2022}}
In the certain regions of Bihar, landowners belonging to Rajputs and Bhumihars were found to be exploiting lower-castes particularly [[Dalit]] castes like [[Chamar]] and [[Musahar]]s including sexual violence against women.<ref name="Damodaran1992">{{cite book | author = Vinita Damodaran | date = 1992 | title = Broken Promises: Popular Protest, Indian Nationalism, and the Congress Party in Bihar, 1935-1946 | publisher = Oxford University Press | pages = 75| isbn = 978-0-19-562979-8 | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=rNa1AAAAIAAJ|quote=The rape of lower-caste women by Rajput and Bhumihar landowners was common in Shahabad where , by the 1930s , anger and resentment against the frequent violation of women were openly expressed on the platform of the Tribeni Sangh}}</ref><ref name="SharmaSinghKumar1994">{{cite book | author1 = Kaushal Kishore Sharma | author2 = Prabhakar Prasad Singh | author3 = Ranjan Kumar | date = 1994 | title = Peasant Struggles in Bihar, 1831-1992: Spontaneity to Organisation | publisher = Centre for Peasant Studies | pages = 247| isbn = 9788185078885 | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=8tBHAAAAMAAJ|quote=According to them, before the emergence of Naxalism on the scene and consequent resistance on the part of these hapless fellows, "rape of lower caste women by Rajput and Bhumihar landlords used to cause so much anguish among the lower cates, who, owing to their hapless situation, could not dare oppose them. In their own words, "within the social constraints , the suppressed sexual hunger of the predominant castes often found unrestricted outlet among the poor, lower caste of Bhojpur-notably Chamars and Mushars.}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://books.google.com/books/about/Maoist_Insurgency_and_India_s_Internal_S.html?id=mPKpCQAAQBAJ |title= Maoist Insurgency and India's Internal Security Architecture
In the , and [[]] .<ref name="Damodaran1992">{{cite book | author = Vinita Damodaran | date = 1992 | title = Broken Promises: Popular Protest, Indian Nationalism, and the Congress Party in Bihar, 1935-1946 | publisher = Oxford University Press | pages = 75| isbn = 978-0-19-562979-8 | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=rNa1AAAAIAAJ|quote=The rape of lower-caste women by Rajput and Bhumihar landowners was common in Shahabad where , by the 1930s , anger and resentment against the frequent violation of women were openly expressed on the platform of the Tribeni Sangh}}</ref><ref name="SharmaSinghKumar1994">{{cite book | author1 = Kaushal Kishore Sharma | author2 = Prabhakar Prasad Singh | author3 = Ranjan Kumar | date = 1994 | title = Peasant Struggles in Bihar, 1831-1992: Spontaneity to Organisation | publisher = Centre for Peasant Studies | pages = 247| isbn = 9788185078885 | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=8tBHAAAAMAAJ|quote=According to them, before the emergence of Naxalism on the scene and consequent resistance on the part of these hapless fellows, "rape of lower caste women by Rajput and Bhumihar landlords used to cause so much anguish among the lower cates, who, owing to their hapless situation, could not dare oppose them. In their own words, "within the social constraints , the suppressed sexual hunger of the predominant castes often found unrestricted outlet among the poor, lower caste of Bhojpur-notably Chamars and Mushars.}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://books.google.com/books/about/Maoist_Insurgency_and_India_s_Internal_S.html?id=mPKpCQAAQBAJ |title=Maoist Insurgency and India's Internal Security Architecture
|author1=E M Rammohun|author2=Amritpal Singh|author3=A K Agarwal
|author1=E M Rammohun|author2=Amritpal Singh|author3=A K Agarwal
|publisher=Vij Books India Pvt Ltd|year= 2012|ISBN=9381411638|pages=18|accessdate=12 June 2022}}Consider the oppression of the lower castes in Bihar. In Bhojpur district of Bihar, the lower castes lived in utter poverty and were also subjected to social exploitation. Kalyan Mukherjee and Rajender Singh Yadav described that the oppression of the lower castes at the hands of the upper castes did not flow from numerical superiority, but rather from niches in the economic hierarchy apropos land ownership and the monopoly over labour. Further the culture of violence ensured that the Chamar or the Musahar never raise their heads in protest. Though begar was a thing of the past, the banihar worked often for nothing. Wearing a clean dhoti, remaining seated in the presence of the master, even on a cot outside his own hut, walking erect were taboo. When the evenings fell or in lonely stretches of field, the rape of his womenfolk by the landlord's lathieths and scions complete a picture of unbridled Bumihar, Rajput over lordship. </ref>
|publisher=Vij Books India Pvt Ltd|year= 2012|ISBN=9381411638|pages=18|accessdate=12 June 2022}}Consider the oppression of the lower castes in Bihar. In Bhojpur district of Bihar, the lower castes lived in utter poverty and were also subjected to social exploitation. Kalyan Mukherjee and Rajender Singh Yadav described that the oppression of the lower castes at the hands of the upper castes did not flow from numerical superiority, but rather from niches in the economic hierarchy apropos land ownership and the monopoly over labour. Further the culture of violence ensured that the Chamar or the Musahar never raise their heads in protest. Though begar was a thing of the past, the banihar worked often for nothing. Wearing a clean dhoti, remaining seated in the presence of the master, even on a cot outside his own hut, walking erect were taboo. When the evenings fell or in lonely stretches of field, the rape of his womenfolk by the landlord's lathieths and scions complete a picture of unbridled Bumihar, Rajput over lordship. </ref>
isbn=978-8132104193|access-date=22 January 2021}}</ref> A report from a particular village of Bihar called Sonatola tells that in neighbouring village Berath, some Dalit women alleged that when the lower caste women rejected the landlord's proposal of sexual contact, it was common for the landlords of the village to falsely implicate the male members of their families and their kin in criminal cases. Besides sexual assaults, the drawing of water from the village wells and walking on the pathways alongside the landlords in that particular Rajput village were also forbidden for the lower castes as per their allegations.<ref name="UN">{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=T-s9SIp1-OsC&pg=PA73|title=Case Studies on Strengthening Co-ordination Between Non-governmental Organizations and Government Agencies in Promoting Social Development|publisher=United Nations (Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific)|year=1989|page=72,73|access-date=22 January 2021}}</ref> By the 1960s, most of the prevalent feudal practices came to an end due to the activism of [[Kisan Sabha (1919-1922) |Kisan Sabha]]s, the organization led by middle peasant castes who also brought the issues of women rights and dignity within its fold and allowed the agricultural labourer women to voice for themselves.<ref name="UN"/>{{rp|pages=72-73}}


Later, assertion of many left wing organization took place in Bihar, the most prominent among them being [[Maoist Communist Centre of India]], which were far-left in ideology and had waged wars against the landlords for the cause of lower castes. The prime targets of this organisation in [[Bihar]] were the Rajputs, against whom most of the caste-inspired massacres were committed. The events at "Darmian" and [[Dalelchak-Bhagaura massacre|Dalelchak-Baguaura]] among others are considered as notable caste based violence perpetrated by the MCC against the Rajputs.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oQ6FHeJJszcC&pg=PA235 |title= Confessional Terror A Dateline to Death|author1=Bhawani Singh|author2=Vibhuti Singh Shekhawat|publisher=Anamika Pub & Distributors|year=2007|
Later, assertion of many left wing organization took place in Bihar, the most prominent among them being [[Maoist Communist Centre of India]], which were far-left in ideology and had waged wars against the landlords for the cause of lower castes. The prime targets of this organisation in [[Bihar]] were the Rajputs, against whom most of the caste-inspired massacres were committed. The events at "Darmian" and [[Dalelchak-Bhagaura massacre|Dalelchak-Baguaura]] among others are considered as notable caste based violence perpetrated by the MCC against the Rajputs.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oQ6FHeJJszcC&pg=PA235 |title= Confessional Terror A Dateline to Death|author1=Bhawani Singh|author2=Vibhuti Singh Shekhawat|publisher=Anamika Pub & Distributors|year=2007|

Revision as of 19:06, 15 June 2022

Rajputs in Bihar are members of the Rajput community living in the eastern Indian state of Bihar. Locally they are sometimes called Babu Saheb which is a term or sobriquet[1] used mainly in the Indian states of Bihar, Uttar Pradesh[2] and Jharkhand.[3] They traditionally formed part of the feudal elite in the society of Bihar.[4][5][6][7]Pressed with the Zamindari abolition and Bhoodan movement in post independence India, they along with other Forward Castes lost significant position in the agrarian society of Bihar, leading to the rise of Upper Backward Castes.

History

Legendary accounts state that from 1200 CE, many Rajput groups moved eastwards towards the Eastern Gangetic plains forming their own chieftaincies.[8] These minor Rajput kingdoms were dotted all over the Gangetic plains in modern-day Uttar Pradesh and Bihar.[9] During this process, petty clashes occurred with the local population and in some cases, alliances were formed.[8] Among these Rajput chieftaincies were the Bhojpur zamindars[10] and the taluks of Awadh.[11]

The immigration of Rajput clan chiefs into these parts of the Gangetic plains also contributed the agricultural appropriation of previously forested areas, especially in South Bihar.[12] Some have linked this eastwards expansion with the onset of Ghurid invasion in the West.[12]

The Ujjainiya clan of Parmar Rajputs is one such group.[13] Gajpati Ujjainia of the same clan was a chieftain and commander in the army of Sher Shah Suri.[14] Kunwar Dhir, a Rajput Zamindar of Bhojpur district rebelled and fought against Mughal empire during early 18th century.[15]

Similarly, Gidhaur Raj, Deo Raj, Kharagpur Raj were founded by the Rajput migrants to the region of Bihar in medieval age.[16]Gandhavariya is another clan of Rajputs controlled significant portion of North Bihar in medieval age.[17] Sonbarsa Raj also belonged to this clan.[18]

From as early as the 16th century, Rajput soldiers from the eastern regions of Bihar and Awadh, were recruited as mercenaries for Rajputs in the west, particularly in the Malwa region.[19][20][21] During the Great Uprising of 1857, a section of Rajputs took active participation under the leadership of Kunwar Singh, who was the prime mover of the revolution in Bihar.[22]

Veer Kunwar Singh and his attendants, Jagdishpur Raj

In the traditional agrarian society of pre-independence period, the Rajputs of north Bihar controlled the agricultural production through the Zamindari rights. The upper caste which included Rajput controlled land and some of these upper-castes were also recruited to the lower rung of administration under the British rulers. Brahmins who were significant landholders were dominant in some regions while the poor among them worked as lathails, tax assessers, Peons and bodyguards for the zamindars. The castes like Kayasthas work in various departments like those of accounts while the middle peasant castes which included Yadav, Koeri and Kurmi functioned as occupancy tenants. The moneylenders primarily belong to Sonar and other mercantile castes. Less literate relative to other upper-castes, the Rajputs played a limited role in public administration and were primarily property holders.[23] Between 1900-1920, it was noted that Rajputs formed large chunk of the population of some of the region of south Bihar. In Shahabad region were they were most prominently present, it was recorded that they took little or no interest in intellectual pursuits. The literacy rate of the region and Bihar as a whole was also in precarious state.[24]

Pressed with the Zamindari abolition and Bhoodan movement in post independence India, they along with other upper castes lost significant position in the agrarian society of Bihar, leading to the rise of upper strata of the "Backward Castes", who became the prime beneficiary of the land reforms, which dispossessed the erstwhile big landowners of their land.[25][26]

In the Shahabad district, Rajput and Bhumihar landowners frequently raped lower-caste women, and by 1930s, the Triveni Sangh gave the abused women a platform to express their frustration.[27] In a survey conducted[when?] in a few villages in Bhojpur, rape of lower caste women from Musahar and Chamar caste, by the Rajput and Bhumihar landlords was a major cause of anguish until Naxalism emerged on the scene.[28][29] As per one opinion, in parts of central Bihar, "Even as late as the 1970s , the rape of lower caste women by Rajputs and Bhumihars had almost become a tradition, an accepted social evil, a fate which many bore unquestioningly".[30] Ranabir Samaddar cited example of one Anwa Village where upper-caste Rajputs practiced Dola Pratha in which the newly wed bride of the Dalits and landless labourers (who worked for wages in their fields), had to spend one night with the landlord before commissioning of her nuptial rites.[31] A report from a particular village of Bihar called Sonatola tells that in neighbouring village Berath, some Dalit women alleged that when the lower caste women rejected the landlord's proposal of sexual contact, it was common for the landlords of the village to falsely implicate the male members of their families and their kin in criminal cases. Besides sexual assaults, the drawing of water from the village wells and walking on the pathways alongside the landlords in that particular Rajput village were also forbidden for the lower castes as per their allegations.[32] By the 1960s, most of the prevalent feudal practices came to an end due to the activism of Kisan Sabhas, the organization led by middle peasant castes who also brought the issues of women rights and dignity within its fold and allowed the agricultural labourer women to voice for themselves.[32]: 72–73 

Later, assertion of many left wing organization took place in Bihar, the most prominent among them being Maoist Communist Centre of India, which were far-left in ideology and had waged wars against the landlords for the cause of lower castes. The prime targets of this organisation in Bihar were the Rajputs, against whom most of the caste-inspired massacres were committed. The events at "Darmian" and Dalelchak-Baguaura among others are considered as notable caste based violence perpetrated by the MCC against the Rajputs.[33]

In the 1990s, accession of Lalu Prasad Yadav to the premiership of Bihar brought socio-economic changes in the feudal society of Bihar. Under the leadership of Anand Mohan Singh, an Anti-Mandal agitation was undertaken in the state. The movement was also in the defiance of the rule of Lalu Prasad Yadav. However, Pappu Yadav, an associate of Yadav and a Janta Dal leader, led violent terror campaign against the "Upper Castes".[34]

Politics

According to Sanjay Kumar, before the 1990s, the upper castes i.e. the Rajputs, Brahmins, Bhumihars and Kayasthas dominated social and political arenas as well as judiciary and bureaucracy in Bihar. It has been suggested that the dominance by these upper castes prevented the implementation of "land reforms" in the state which could have helped the Scheduled Castes and the backwards. In the post Mandal phase Kurmi, Koeri and Yadav, the three backward castes who constitute the upper-OBC due to their advantageous position in the socio-economic sphere of agrarian society became the new political elite of the state. One of the causes of this transformation was weakening of Indian National Congress in the state, which was dominated by upper-caste for long. The rising Kulaks from the upper-OBC rode on the Lok Dal political party for their emancipation and jostled with the erstwhile political elites, the upper-castes. According to Sanjay Kumar, after a long and protracted struggle the upper-caste accepted the leadership of OBCs during this phase.[35]However, in recent years upper-castes are back in power structure, holding prominent positions.[36]

Some of the leaders of the community had also played important role in Rashtriya Janata Dal led government in later years, which includes Raghuvansh Prasad Singh, who conceptualised the biggest Anti-Poverty scheme of india called MNREGA.[37] Radha Mohan Singh has been credited for the BJP's growth in the state while being state chief from 2006 to 2009.[38]

Present circumstances

According to a report of Institute of human development studies, Brahmins topped in average per capita income with Rs 28,093, the other upper castes of Bihar which comprises Rajputs have an average per capita income of Rs 20,655, closely followed by middle agrarian castes like Kushwahas and Kurmis earning Rs 18,811 and Rs 17,835 respectively as their average per capita income. In contrast, Yadavs’ income is one of the lowest among OBCs at Rs 12,314, which is slightly less than the rest of OBCs (Rs 12,617). Hence; despite the political mobilisation of backward castes in post mandal period, the Rajputs are still among the high income groups in Bihar. According to this report, the economic benefits of the Mandal politics could be seen as affecting only few backward castes of agrarian background leading to their upward mobilisation.[39]

Kingdoms and chieftaincies founded by Rajputs in Bihar

The Palace of Sonbarsa Raj

Notable people

References

  1. ^ "Lok Sabha Elections 2014: Lights fail in Nanaur village in the Ara Lok Sabha constituency". dna. 16 April 2014.
  2. ^ Shahid Amin (1995). Event, Metaphor, Memory: Chauri Chaura, 1922-1992. Univ of California Press. p. 130. ISBN 9780520087804. Retrieved 17 December 2018.
  3. ^ Dubey, Priyanka. "Jitan Ram Manjhi and the politics of caste". The Caravan.
  4. ^ Hira Singh (4 March 2014). Recasting Caste: From the Sacred to the Profane. SAGE Publishing India. p. 4. ISBN 9789351504030. Retrieved 17 December 2018.
  5. ^ Henry C. Hart (4 March 2019). Indira Gandhi's India. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-429-72607-1.
  6. ^ Carolyn Brown Heinz (3 June 2013). Peter Berger; Frank Heidemann (eds.). The Modern Anthropology of India: Ethnography, Themes and Theory. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-134-06118-1. The four dominant high caste groups (the forward castes)-Brahman, Bhumihar, Rajput, Kayastha-together constitute about 12 percent of the population. These are the old elite, from whose numbers came the major zamindars and land owning castes. The so-called Backward castes consisting of about half the population of Bihar, were further classified soon after independence into Upper Backward and Lower Backwards(Blair 1980). The upper backwards - Bania , Yadav, Kurmi and Koiri - constitute about 19 percent of the population, and now include most of the rising Kulak class of successful peasants who have acquired land, adopted improved agricultural technology, and become a powerful force in Bihar politics. This is true, above all, of the Yadavas. The lower backwards are shudra castes such as Barhi, Dhanuk, Kahar, Kumhar, Lohar, Mallah, Teli etc, about 32 percent of the population. The largest components of the scheduled castes(14 percent) are the Dusadh, Chamar, and Musahar, the Dalit groups who are in many parts of the statelocked in struggles for land and living wages and living wages with the rich peasants and landlords of the forward and upper backward castes
  7. ^ Seyed Hossein Zarhani (3 September 2018). Governance and Development in India: A Comparative Study on Andhra Pradesh and Bihar after Liberalization. Routledge. pp. 183, 210. ISBN 978-1-351-25518-9.
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  12. ^ a b c Gyan Prakash (30 October 2003). Bonded Histories: Genealogies of Labor Servitude in Colonial India. Cambridge University Press. pp. 64–66. ISBN 978-0-521-52658-6.
  13. ^ Ahmad, Imtiaz (2008). "State Formation and Consolidation under the Ujjainiya Rajputs in Medieval Bihar: Testimony of Oral Traditions as Recorded in the Tawarikh-i-Ujjainiya". In Singh, Surinder; Gaur, I. D. (eds.). Popular Literature And Pre-Modern Societies In South Asia. Pearson Education India. pp. 76–77. ISBN 978-81-317-1358-7. Retrieved 2 January 2012.
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  16. ^ Prakash, Gyan (30 October 2003). Bonded Histories: Genealogies of Labor Servitude in Colonial India. Cambridge University Press. p. 64. ISBN 978-0-521-52658-6.
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  24. ^ Shreedhar Narayan Pandey (1975). Education and Social Changes in Bihar, 1900-1921: A Survey of Social History of Bihar from Lord Curzon to Noncooperation Movement. Motilal Banarsidass. pp. 11–12. ISBN 0842609865. Retrieved 22 December 2020.
  25. ^ Nira Yuval-Davis; Kalpana Kannabiran; Ulrike Vieten (2006). The Situated Politics of Belonging. SAGE. p. 131. ISBN 1412921015. Retrieved 27 May 2022.
  26. ^ Ranabir Samaddar (3 March 2016). Government of Peace: Social Governance, Security and the Problematic of Peace. Routledge. pp. 168–. ISBN 978-1-317-12538-9.
  27. ^ Vinita Damodaran (1992). Broken Promises: Popular Protest, Indian Nationalism, and the Congress Party in Bihar, 1935-1946. Oxford University Press. p. 75. ISBN 978-0-19-562979-8. The rape of lower-caste women by Rajput and Bhumihar landowners was common in Shahabad where , by the 1930s , anger and resentment against the frequent violation of women were openly expressed on the platform of the Tribeni Sangh
  28. ^ Kaushal Kishore Sharma; Prabhakar Prasad Singh; Ranjan Kumar (1994). Peasant Struggles in Bihar, 1831-1992: Spontaneity to Organisation. Centre for Peasant Studies. p. 247. ISBN 9788185078885. According to them, before the emergence of Naxalism on the scene and consequent resistance on the part of these hapless fellows, "rape of lower caste women by Rajput and Bhumihar landlords used to cause so much anguish among the lower cates, who, owing to their hapless situation, could not dare oppose them. In their own words, "within the social constraints , the suppressed sexual hunger of the predominant castes often found unrestricted outlet among the poor, lower caste of Bhojpur-notably Chamars and Mushars.
  29. ^ E M Rammohun; Amritpal Singh; A K Agarwal (2012). "Maoist Insurgency and India's Internal Security Architecture". Vij Books India Pvt Ltd. p. 18. ISBN 9381411638. Retrieved 12 June 2022.Consider the oppression of the lower castes in Bihar. In Bhojpur district of Bihar, the lower castes lived in utter poverty and were also subjected to social exploitation. Kalyan Mukherjee and Rajender Singh Yadav described that the oppression of the lower castes at the hands of the upper castes did not flow from numerical superiority, but rather from niches in the economic hierarchy apropos land ownership and the monopoly over labour. Further the culture of violence ensured that the Chamar or the Musahar never raise their heads in protest. Though begar was a thing of the past, the banihar worked often for nothing. Wearing a clean dhoti, remaining seated in the presence of the master, even on a cot outside his own hut, walking erect were taboo. When the evenings fell or in lonely stretches of field, the rape of his womenfolk by the landlord's lathieths and scions complete a picture of unbridled Bumihar, Rajput over lordship.
  30. ^ Fernando Franco (2002). Pain and Awakening: The Dynamics of Dalit Identity in Bihar, Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh. Indian Social Institute. p. 52. ISBN 9788187218463. Even as late as the 1970s , the rape of lower caste women by Rajputs and Bhumihars had almost become a tradition , " an accepted social evil , a fate which many bore unquestioningly " , in parts of central Bihar
  31. ^ Ranabir Samaddar (2009). State of Justice In India Issues of Social Justice. SAGE Publications India. p. 46, 65. ISBN 978-8132104193. Retrieved 22 January 2021.
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  33. ^ Bhawani Singh; Vibhuti Singh Shekhawat (2007). Confessional Terror A Dateline to Death. Anamika Pub & Distributors. p. 235. ISBN 978-8179751756. Retrieved 28 May 2022.
  34. ^ S.K. Ghosh; Srikanta Ghosh (2000). Bihar in Flames. APH Publishing. p. 52-53. ISBN 8176481602. Retrieved 15 December 2020.
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  37. ^ Sumit Pande (ed.). "Brain Behind The Biggest Anti-poverty Scheme, How RJD Sidelined Raghuvansh Prasad". News18. Retrieved 28 May 2022.
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  39. ^ Christophe Jaffrelot; Kalaiyarasan A (eds.). "Lower castes in Bihar have got political power, not economic progress". Indian Express. Archived from the original on 22 January 2021. Retrieved 22 January 2021.
  40. ^ Bhagwant Sahai (1984). The Journal Of The Bihar Puravid Parisad 1983 Vol. Vii And Viii. pp. 414, 418.
  41. ^ a b c Tahir Hussain Ansari (20 June 2019). Mughal Administration and the Zamindars of Bihar. Taylor & Francis. pp. 22–28. ISBN 978-1-00-065152-2.
  42. ^ Narain, Jai Prakash; Narayan, Jayaprakash (1980). A Revolutionary's Quest: Selected Writings of Jayaprakash Narayan. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-561204-2.
  43. ^ Hartwell, Nicole (2021). "Framing colonial war loot: The 'captured' spolia opima of Kunwar Singh". Journal of the History of Collections. doi:10.1093/jhc/fhab042.
  44. ^ F. Tomasson Jannuzi (2014). Agrarian Crisis in India: The Case of Bihar. University of Texas Press. ISBN 9781477300145. Retrieved 6 January 2019.
  45. ^ Paramita Maharatna (2012). "The Zamindars of Bihar: Their Resistance to Colonial Rule Between 1765-1781". Proceedings of the Indian History Congress. 73: 1435. JSTOR 44156363.
  46. ^ Ansari, Tahir Hussain (2014). "A Political Biography of an Ujjainia Chief of Bhojpur: Raja Gajpati". Karatoya. 7: 40–48.
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